Thoth distribution@thoth.pub 20260401T163534

urn:uuid:14420607-44d0-45c9-bb62-a98ecdee70bf 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:6fee5cdb-d564-4ea3-84d2-a7e1aa381dab 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:14420607-44d0-45c9-bb62-a98ecdee70bf 15 9781951399061 03 9781951399061 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523 13 2022930299 23 2022930299 00 BC 10 01 229 mm 01 22.9 cm 01 9.02 in 02 177 mm 02 17.7 cm 02 6.97 in 03 3 mm 03 0.3 cm 03 0.1 in 08 113 gr 08 4 oz Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 1 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 What Was Artificial Intelligence? 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 01 eng 00 42 03 10 COM004000 12 UYQ 93 UYQ 10 COM079000 93 JBFV5 12 JFMG 12 PDR 93 PDR 10 SOC071000 01 06 02 00 Sue Curry Jansen's classic critique of AI rhetoric, republished open access with a new introduction by Jansen. 03 00 When it was originally published in 2002, Sue Curry Jansen’s “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” attracted little notice. The long essay was published as a chapter in Jansen’s Critical Communication Theory, a book whose wisdom and erudition failed to register across the many fields it addressed. One explanation for the neglect, ironic and telling, is that Jansen’s sheer scope as an intellectual had few competent readers in the communication studies discipline into which she published the book. “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” was buried treasure. In this mediastudies.press edition, Jansen’s prescient autopsy of AI self-selling—the rhetoric of the masculinist sublime—is reprinted with a new introduction. Now an open access book, “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” is a message in a bottle, addressed to Musk, Bezos, and the latest generation of AI myth-makers. 30 00 When it was originally published in 2002, Sue Curry Jansen’s “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” attracted little notice. The long essay was published as a chapter in Jansen’s Critical Communication Theory, a book whose wisdom and erudition failed to register across the many fields it addressed. One explanation for the neglect, ironic and telling, is that Jansen’s sheer scope as an intellectual had few competent readers in the communication studies discipline into which she published the book. “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” was buried treasure. In this mediastudies.press edition, Jansen’s prescient autopsy of AI self-selling—the rhetoric of the masculinist sublime—is reprinted with a new introduction. Now an open access book, “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” is a message in a bottle, addressed to Musk, Bezos, and the latest generation of AI myth-makers. 04 00 INTRODUCTION 1 Sue Curry Jansen WHAT WAS ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE? 11 Sue Curry Jansen 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.236f2ba6 1 10 11 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 02 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was u 03 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was uncertain, as the field was undergoing a period of critical reassessment.Almost from artificial intelligence’s inception in the 1950s, AI researchers had been periodically announcing that they were on the threshold of revolutionary discoveries that would radically transform human life as we know it, in ways that we could not begin to grasp. Artificial intelligence would, we were told, create a form of super intelligence many times greater than human intelligence, which would continue to perfect itself through machine learning, leaving us slow-witted humans behind. AI enthusiasts celebrated the prospect, seeing themselves as either creating or bearing witness to the next step in evolution. Sci-fi narratives multiplied and greatly amplified AI futurism, whether as deliverance or as the impending doom of a robotic apocalypse. 30 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was uncertain, as the field was undergoing a period of critical reassessment.Almost from artificial intelligence’s inception in the 1950s, AI researchers had been periodically announcing that they were on the threshold of revolutionary discoveries that would radically transform human life as we know it, in ways that we could not begin to grasp. Artificial intelligence would, we were told, create a form of super intelligence many times greater than human intelligence, which would continue to perfect itself through machine learning, leaving us slow-witted humans behind. AI enthusiasts celebrated the prospect, seeing themselves as either creating or bearing witness to the next step in evolution. Sci-fi narratives multiplied and greatly amplified AI futurism, whether as deliverance or as the impending doom of a robotic apocalypse. 20 00 Open Access Sue Curry Jansen 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://mediastudies.press/wwai Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20220401 Sue Curry Jansen 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399054 03 9781951399054 06 15 9781951399054 03 9781951399054 06 15 9781951399054 03 9781951399054 06 15 9781951399054 03 9781951399054 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399064?ref_=pe_3052080_397514860 20 08 20220401 02 5.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:6f736207-e7c3-4ccf-8d07-2dac311997cc 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:6fee5cdb-d564-4ea3-84d2-a7e1aa381dab 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:6f736207-e7c3-4ccf-8d07-2dac311997cc 15 9781951399054 03 9781951399054 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523 13 2022930299 23 2022930299 00 EB E107 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 1 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 What Was Artificial Intelligence? 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 01 eng 00 42 03 10 COM004000 12 UYQ 93 UYQ 10 COM079000 93 JBFV5 12 JFMG 12 PDR 93 PDR 10 SOC071000 01 06 02 00 Sue Curry Jansen's classic critique of AI rhetoric, republished open access with a new introduction by Jansen. 03 00 When it was originally published in 2002, Sue Curry Jansen’s “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” attracted little notice. The long essay was published as a chapter in Jansen’s Critical Communication Theory, a book whose wisdom and erudition failed to register across the many fields it addressed. One explanation for the neglect, ironic and telling, is that Jansen’s sheer scope as an intellectual had few competent readers in the communication studies discipline into which she published the book. “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” was buried treasure. In this mediastudies.press edition, Jansen’s prescient autopsy of AI self-selling—the rhetoric of the masculinist sublime—is reprinted with a new introduction. Now an open access book, “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” is a message in a bottle, addressed to Musk, Bezos, and the latest generation of AI myth-makers. 30 00 When it was originally published in 2002, Sue Curry Jansen’s “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” attracted little notice. The long essay was published as a chapter in Jansen’s Critical Communication Theory, a book whose wisdom and erudition failed to register across the many fields it addressed. One explanation for the neglect, ironic and telling, is that Jansen’s sheer scope as an intellectual had few competent readers in the communication studies discipline into which she published the book. “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” was buried treasure. In this mediastudies.press edition, Jansen’s prescient autopsy of AI self-selling—the rhetoric of the masculinist sublime—is reprinted with a new introduction. Now an open access book, “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” is a message in a bottle, addressed to Musk, Bezos, and the latest generation of AI myth-makers. 04 00 INTRODUCTION 1 Sue Curry Jansen WHAT WAS ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE? 11 Sue Curry Jansen 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.236f2ba6 1 10 11 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 02 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was u 03 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was uncertain, as the field was undergoing a period of critical reassessment.Almost from artificial intelligence’s inception in the 1950s, AI researchers had been periodically announcing that they were on the threshold of revolutionary discoveries that would radically transform human life as we know it, in ways that we could not begin to grasp. Artificial intelligence would, we were told, create a form of super intelligence many times greater than human intelligence, which would continue to perfect itself through machine learning, leaving us slow-witted humans behind. AI enthusiasts celebrated the prospect, seeing themselves as either creating or bearing witness to the next step in evolution. Sci-fi narratives multiplied and greatly amplified AI futurism, whether as deliverance or as the impending doom of a robotic apocalypse. 30 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was uncertain, as the field was undergoing a period of critical reassessment.Almost from artificial intelligence’s inception in the 1950s, AI researchers had been periodically announcing that they were on the threshold of revolutionary discoveries that would radically transform human life as we know it, in ways that we could not begin to grasp. Artificial intelligence would, we were told, create a form of super intelligence many times greater than human intelligence, which would continue to perfect itself through machine learning, leaving us slow-witted humans behind. AI enthusiasts celebrated the prospect, seeing themselves as either creating or bearing witness to the next step in evolution. Sci-fi narratives multiplied and greatly amplified AI futurism, whether as deliverance or as the impending doom of a robotic apocalypse. 20 00 Open Access Sue Curry Jansen 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://mediastudies.press/wwai Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20220401 Sue Curry Jansen 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399061 03 9781951399061 WORLD 11 PROJECT_MUSE 36 PROJECT_MUSE: webpage for this product https://muse.jhu.edu/book/100418 29 PROJECT_MUSE: download the title https://muse.jhu.edu/book/100418 20 08 20220401 01 11 OAPEN 36 OAPEN: webpage for this product https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/53776 29 OAPEN: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/53776/9781951399054.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y 20 08 20220401 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/jansen-what-was-artificial-intelligence-2022 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://archive.org/download/jansen-what-was-artificial-intelligence-2022/jansen-what-was-artificial-intelligence-2022.pdf 20 08 20220401 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.google.com/books/about?id=hWVsEAAAQBAJ 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.google.com/books/download/What_Was_Artificial_Intelligence.pdf?id=hWVsEAAAQBAJ&output=pdf&sig=ACfU3U13pPDqTGtNkBFPhaFdaps5PMGJOw 20 08 20220401 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=FC7E2CEC4E13528FD404571515214CE3 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title http://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=FC7E2CEC4E13528FD404571515214CE3 20 08 20220401 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/wwai 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/raw/master/media_manifold/jansen-wwai/pdfs/jansen-what-was-artificial-intelligence-2022.pdf 20 08 20220401 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/6fee5cdb-d564-4ea3-84d2-a7e1aa381dab 29 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: download the title https://archive.org/download/6fee5cdb-d564-4ea3-84d2-a7e1aa381dab/6fee5cdb-d564-4ea3-84d2-a7e1aa381dab.pdf 20 08 20220401 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/wwai 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523.pdf 20 08 20220401 01 urn:uuid:85bd375b-51d9-45c1-a1ce-d9e0bc23d696 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:6fee5cdb-d564-4ea3-84d2-a7e1aa381dab 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:85bd375b-51d9-45c1-a1ce-d9e0bc23d696 15 9781951399054 03 9781951399054 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523 13 2022930299 23 2022930299 00 EB E105 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 1 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 What Was Artificial Intelligence? 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 01 eng 00 42 03 10 COM004000 12 UYQ 93 UYQ 10 COM079000 93 JBFV5 12 JFMG 12 PDR 93 PDR 10 SOC071000 01 06 02 00 Sue Curry Jansen's classic critique of AI rhetoric, republished open access with a new introduction by Jansen. 03 00 When it was originally published in 2002, Sue Curry Jansen’s “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” attracted little notice. The long essay was published as a chapter in Jansen’s Critical Communication Theory, a book whose wisdom and erudition failed to register across the many fields it addressed. One explanation for the neglect, ironic and telling, is that Jansen’s sheer scope as an intellectual had few competent readers in the communication studies discipline into which she published the book. “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” was buried treasure. In this mediastudies.press edition, Jansen’s prescient autopsy of AI self-selling—the rhetoric of the masculinist sublime—is reprinted with a new introduction. Now an open access book, “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” is a message in a bottle, addressed to Musk, Bezos, and the latest generation of AI myth-makers. 30 00 When it was originally published in 2002, Sue Curry Jansen’s “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” attracted little notice. The long essay was published as a chapter in Jansen’s Critical Communication Theory, a book whose wisdom and erudition failed to register across the many fields it addressed. One explanation for the neglect, ironic and telling, is that Jansen’s sheer scope as an intellectual had few competent readers in the communication studies discipline into which she published the book. “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” was buried treasure. In this mediastudies.press edition, Jansen’s prescient autopsy of AI self-selling—the rhetoric of the masculinist sublime—is reprinted with a new introduction. Now an open access book, “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” is a message in a bottle, addressed to Musk, Bezos, and the latest generation of AI myth-makers. 04 00 INTRODUCTION 1 Sue Curry Jansen WHAT WAS ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE? 11 Sue Curry Jansen 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.236f2ba6 1 10 11 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 02 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was u 03 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was uncertain, as the field was undergoing a period of critical reassessment.Almost from artificial intelligence’s inception in the 1950s, AI researchers had been periodically announcing that they were on the threshold of revolutionary discoveries that would radically transform human life as we know it, in ways that we could not begin to grasp. Artificial intelligence would, we were told, create a form of super intelligence many times greater than human intelligence, which would continue to perfect itself through machine learning, leaving us slow-witted humans behind. AI enthusiasts celebrated the prospect, seeing themselves as either creating or bearing witness to the next step in evolution. Sci-fi narratives multiplied and greatly amplified AI futurism, whether as deliverance or as the impending doom of a robotic apocalypse. 30 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was uncertain, as the field was undergoing a period of critical reassessment.Almost from artificial intelligence’s inception in the 1950s, AI researchers had been periodically announcing that they were on the threshold of revolutionary discoveries that would radically transform human life as we know it, in ways that we could not begin to grasp. Artificial intelligence would, we were told, create a form of super intelligence many times greater than human intelligence, which would continue to perfect itself through machine learning, leaving us slow-witted humans behind. AI enthusiasts celebrated the prospect, seeing themselves as either creating or bearing witness to the next step in evolution. Sci-fi narratives multiplied and greatly amplified AI futurism, whether as deliverance or as the impending doom of a robotic apocalypse. 20 00 Open Access Sue Curry Jansen 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://mediastudies.press/wwai Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20220401 Sue Curry Jansen 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399061 03 9781951399061 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://mediastudies.press/wwai 20 08 20220401 01 urn:uuid:216ac731-b34e-4a22-9c73-c994ea16b449 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:6fee5cdb-d564-4ea3-84d2-a7e1aa381dab 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:216ac731-b34e-4a22-9c73-c994ea16b449 15 9781951399054 03 9781951399054 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523 13 2022930299 23 2022930299 00 EB E101 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 1 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 What Was Artificial Intelligence? 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 01 eng 00 42 03 10 COM004000 12 UYQ 93 UYQ 10 COM079000 93 JBFV5 12 JFMG 12 PDR 93 PDR 10 SOC071000 01 06 02 00 Sue Curry Jansen's classic critique of AI rhetoric, republished open access with a new introduction by Jansen. 03 00 When it was originally published in 2002, Sue Curry Jansen’s “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” attracted little notice. The long essay was published as a chapter in Jansen’s Critical Communication Theory, a book whose wisdom and erudition failed to register across the many fields it addressed. One explanation for the neglect, ironic and telling, is that Jansen’s sheer scope as an intellectual had few competent readers in the communication studies discipline into which she published the book. “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” was buried treasure. In this mediastudies.press edition, Jansen’s prescient autopsy of AI self-selling—the rhetoric of the masculinist sublime—is reprinted with a new introduction. Now an open access book, “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” is a message in a bottle, addressed to Musk, Bezos, and the latest generation of AI myth-makers. 30 00 When it was originally published in 2002, Sue Curry Jansen’s “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” attracted little notice. The long essay was published as a chapter in Jansen’s Critical Communication Theory, a book whose wisdom and erudition failed to register across the many fields it addressed. One explanation for the neglect, ironic and telling, is that Jansen’s sheer scope as an intellectual had few competent readers in the communication studies discipline into which she published the book. “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” was buried treasure. In this mediastudies.press edition, Jansen’s prescient autopsy of AI self-selling—the rhetoric of the masculinist sublime—is reprinted with a new introduction. Now an open access book, “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” is a message in a bottle, addressed to Musk, Bezos, and the latest generation of AI myth-makers. 04 00 INTRODUCTION 1 Sue Curry Jansen WHAT WAS ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE? 11 Sue Curry Jansen 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.236f2ba6 1 10 11 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 02 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was u 03 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was uncertain, as the field was undergoing a period of critical reassessment.Almost from artificial intelligence’s inception in the 1950s, AI researchers had been periodically announcing that they were on the threshold of revolutionary discoveries that would radically transform human life as we know it, in ways that we could not begin to grasp. Artificial intelligence would, we were told, create a form of super intelligence many times greater than human intelligence, which would continue to perfect itself through machine learning, leaving us slow-witted humans behind. AI enthusiasts celebrated the prospect, seeing themselves as either creating or bearing witness to the next step in evolution. Sci-fi narratives multiplied and greatly amplified AI futurism, whether as deliverance or as the impending doom of a robotic apocalypse. 30 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was uncertain, as the field was undergoing a period of critical reassessment.Almost from artificial intelligence’s inception in the 1950s, AI researchers had been periodically announcing that they were on the threshold of revolutionary discoveries that would radically transform human life as we know it, in ways that we could not begin to grasp. Artificial intelligence would, we were told, create a form of super intelligence many times greater than human intelligence, which would continue to perfect itself through machine learning, leaving us slow-witted humans behind. AI enthusiasts celebrated the prospect, seeing themselves as either creating or bearing witness to the next step in evolution. Sci-fi narratives multiplied and greatly amplified AI futurism, whether as deliverance or as the impending doom of a robotic apocalypse. 20 00 Open Access Sue Curry Jansen 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://mediastudies.press/wwai Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20220401 Sue Curry Jansen 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399061 03 9781951399061 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.apple.com/us/book/what-was-artificial-intelligence/id1620609075?ls=1 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.apple.com/us/book/what-was-artificial-intelligence/id1620609075?ls=1 20 08 20220401 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.google.com/books/about?id=hWVsEAAAQBAJ 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.google.com/books/download/What_Was_Artificial_Intelligence.epub?id=hWVsEAAAQBAJ&output=epub 20 08 20220401 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/wwai 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/wwai1.0/jansen-what-was-artificial-intelligence-2022.epub 20 08 20220401 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/wwai 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523.epub 20 08 20220401 01 urn:uuid:4935d7fb-5592-4243-8b01-a0de4d330ee9 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:6fee5cdb-d564-4ea3-84d2-a7e1aa381dab 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:4935d7fb-5592-4243-8b01-a0de4d330ee9 15 9781951399054 03 9781951399054 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523 13 2022930299 23 2022930299 00 EB E127 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 1 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 What Was Artificial Intelligence? 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 01 eng 00 42 03 10 COM004000 12 UYQ 93 UYQ 10 COM079000 93 JBFV5 12 JFMG 12 PDR 93 PDR 10 SOC071000 01 06 02 00 Sue Curry Jansen's classic critique of AI rhetoric, republished open access with a new introduction by Jansen. 03 00 When it was originally published in 2002, Sue Curry Jansen’s “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” attracted little notice. The long essay was published as a chapter in Jansen’s Critical Communication Theory, a book whose wisdom and erudition failed to register across the many fields it addressed. One explanation for the neglect, ironic and telling, is that Jansen’s sheer scope as an intellectual had few competent readers in the communication studies discipline into which she published the book. “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” was buried treasure. In this mediastudies.press edition, Jansen’s prescient autopsy of AI self-selling—the rhetoric of the masculinist sublime—is reprinted with a new introduction. Now an open access book, “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” is a message in a bottle, addressed to Musk, Bezos, and the latest generation of AI myth-makers. 30 00 When it was originally published in 2002, Sue Curry Jansen’s “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” attracted little notice. The long essay was published as a chapter in Jansen’s Critical Communication Theory, a book whose wisdom and erudition failed to register across the many fields it addressed. One explanation for the neglect, ironic and telling, is that Jansen’s sheer scope as an intellectual had few competent readers in the communication studies discipline into which she published the book. “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” was buried treasure. In this mediastudies.press edition, Jansen’s prescient autopsy of AI self-selling—the rhetoric of the masculinist sublime—is reprinted with a new introduction. Now an open access book, “What Was Artificial Intelligence?” is a message in a bottle, addressed to Musk, Bezos, and the latest generation of AI myth-makers. 04 00 INTRODUCTION 1 Sue Curry Jansen WHAT WAS ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE? 11 Sue Curry Jansen 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.0cc62523_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.236f2ba6 1 10 11 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 02 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was u 03 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was uncertain, as the field was undergoing a period of critical reassessment.Almost from artificial intelligence’s inception in the 1950s, AI researchers had been periodically announcing that they were on the threshold of revolutionary discoveries that would radically transform human life as we know it, in ways that we could not begin to grasp. Artificial intelligence would, we were told, create a form of super intelligence many times greater than human intelligence, which would continue to perfect itself through machine learning, leaving us slow-witted humans behind. AI enthusiasts celebrated the prospect, seeing themselves as either creating or bearing witness to the next step in evolution. Sci-fi narratives multiplied and greatly amplified AI futurism, whether as deliverance or as the impending doom of a robotic apocalypse. 30 00 Artificial intelligence (AI) advocates generally describe it in the future tense. By inverting that convention in my 2002 essay, I intended to signal that AI also had a past—by then a half century–long history of extravagant forecasting—which was overdue for critical examination. I also wanted to suggest that, at that point, AI’s future was uncertain, as the field was undergoing a period of critical reassessment.Almost from artificial intelligence’s inception in the 1950s, AI researchers had been periodically announcing that they were on the threshold of revolutionary discoveries that would radically transform human life as we know it, in ways that we could not begin to grasp. Artificial intelligence would, we were told, create a form of super intelligence many times greater than human intelligence, which would continue to perfect itself through machine learning, leaving us slow-witted humans behind. AI enthusiasts celebrated the prospect, seeing themselves as either creating or bearing witness to the next step in evolution. Sci-fi narratives multiplied and greatly amplified AI futurism, whether as deliverance or as the impending doom of a robotic apocalypse. 20 00 Open Access Sue Curry Jansen 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://mediastudies.press/wwai Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20220401 Sue Curry Jansen 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399061 03 9781951399061 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/wwai 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/wwai1.0/jansen-what-was-artificial-intelligence-2022.mobi 20 08 20220401 01 urn:uuid:f766c5f2-d857-47f8-bd36-f0d829612700 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:e5f2cfba-6fb4-45da-add1-a747a9d3a572 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:f766c5f2-d857-47f8-bd36-f0d829612700 15 9781951399153 03 9781951399153 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.baaa50af 13 2022951441 23 1355694284 00 BC 10 01 229 mm 01 22.9 cm 01 9.02 in 02 177 mm 02 17.7 cm 02 6.97 in Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 1 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 Communication Conduct in an Island Community 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was among the most important sociologists of the twentieth century. 2 A24 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Professor 40 00afp2z80 University of Liège Yves Winkin is Distinguished Emeritus Professor at the University of Liège and Honorary Professor at the Conservatoire national des arts et métiers. 01 eng 00 238 03 93 JHB 12 JHB 10 SOC026000 93 GTC 12 GTC 10 SOC061000 12 JHMC 93 JHMC 10 PSY031000 01 06 02 00 Erving Goffman’s 1953 dissertation, published here for the first time on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. 03 00 Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was the twentieth century’s most important sociologist writing in English. His 1953 dissertation is published here for the first time, on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. The remarkable study, based on fieldwork on a remote Scottish island, presents in embryonic form the full spread of Goffman’s thought. Framed as a “report on a study of conversational interaction,” the dissertation lingers on the modest talk of island “crofters.” It is trademark Goffman: ambitious, unconventional in form, and brimmed with big-picture insight. The thesis is that social order is made and re-made in communication—the “interaction order” he re-visited in a famous and final talk before his 1982 death. The dissertation is, as Yves Winkin writes in a new introduction, the “Rosetta stone for his entire work.” It was here that Goffman revealed, quietly, his peerless sensitivity to the invisible wireframes of everyday life. 30 00 Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was the twentieth century’s most important sociologist writing in English. His 1953 dissertation is published here for the first time, on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. The remarkable study, based on fieldwork on a remote Scottish island, presents in embryonic form the full spread of Goffman’s thought. Framed as a “report on a study of conversational interaction,” the dissertation lingers on the modest talk of island “crofters.” It is trademark Goffman: ambitious, unconventional in form, and brimmed with big-picture insight. The thesis is that social order is made and re-made in communication—the “interaction order” he re-visited in a famous and final talk before his 1982 death. The dissertation is, as Yves Winkin writes in a new introduction, the “Rosetta stone for his entire work.” It was here that Goffman revealed, quietly, his peerless sensitivity to the invisible wireframes of everyday life. 04 00 The Cradle: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition x Yves Winkin Introduction 4 Erving Goffman Part One: The Context Chapter I: Dixon 11 Erving Goffman Part Two: The Sociological Model Chapter II: Social Order and Social Interaction 23 Erving Goffman Part Three: On Information About One’s Self Chapter III: Linguistic Behavior 31 Erving Goffman Chapter IV: Expressive Behavior 35 Erving Goffman Chapter V: The Management of Information About Oneself 46 Erving Goffman Chapter VI: Indelicate Communication 56 Erving Goffman Chapter VII: Sign Situations 60 Erving Goffman Part Four: The Concrete Units of Conversational Communication Chapter VIII: Introduction 66 Erving Goffman Chapter IX: Social Occasion 77 Erving Goffman Chapter X: Accredited Participation and Interplay 83 Erving Goffman Chapter XI: Expression During Interplay 89 Erving Goffman Chapter XII: Interchange of Messages 98 Erving Goffman Chapter XIII: Polite Interchanges 105 Erving Goffman Chapter XIV: The Organization of Attention 114 Erving Goffman Chapter XV: Safe Supplies 119 Erving Goffman Chapter XVI: On Kinds of Exclusion from Participation 125 Erving Goffman Chapter XVII: Dual Participation 132 Erving Goffman Part Five: Conduct During Interplay Chapter XVIII: Introduction: Euphoric and Dysphoric Interplay 139 Erving Goffman Chapter XIX: Involvement 141 Erving Goffman Chapter XX: Faulty Persons 148 Erving Goffman Chapter XXI: Involvement Poise 156 Erving Goffman Chapter XXII: On Projected Selves 171 Erving Goffman Chapter XXIII: The Management of Projected Selves 190 Erving Goffman Interpretations and Conclusions 198 Erving Goffman Bibliography 210 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.baaa50af_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.21a77b51 x xxii 13 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Cradle: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Professor 40 00afp2z80 University of Liège 02 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questio 03 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questions are unanswerable today. But here is the gem. Not much of a frame is needed to appreciate it—only the circumstances of Goffman’s fieldwork in the Shetlands, and then some highlighting. When Goffman defended his dissertation in the early summer of 1953, his committee members were none too pleased, according to legend. Seventy years later, the piece appears luminous, extraordinarily mature, as if Goffman were already a fully professional sociologist from day one. 30 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questions are unanswerable today. But here is the gem. Not much of a frame is needed to appreciate it—only the circumstances of Goffman’s fieldwork in the Shetlands, and then some highlighting. When Goffman defended his dissertation in the early summer of 1953, his committee members were none too pleased, according to legend. Seventy years later, the piece appears luminous, extraordinarily mature, as if Goffman were already a fully professional sociologist from day one. 20 00 Open Access Winkin, Yves 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.778546a7 4 9 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research 03 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research was to isolate and record recurrent practices of what is usually called face-to-face interaction. The research was not designed to determine thoroughly or precisely the history of any interaction practice, the frequency and place of its occurrence, the social function which it performed, or even the range of persons among whom it occurred. The project was concerned with a more elementary question, namely, the kinds of types of practices which occurred. 30 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research was to isolate and record recurrent practices of what is usually called face-to-face interaction. The research was not designed to determine thoroughly or precisely the history of any interaction practice, the frequency and place of its occurrence, the social function which it performed, or even the range of persons among whom it occurred. The project was concerned with a more elementary question, namely, the kinds of types of practices which occurred. 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b831ce5 11 20 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter I: Dixon 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knittin 03 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knitting for a luxury market, almost nothing is manufactured. Until recently, the population had been declining very rapidly. The policy of the national government, for various reasons, has been a protective one, helping to maintain British standards of living by means of agricultural subsidies, statutes governing the rental price of small holdings, and an extremely high per capita payment to the islands for upkeep of required social services.The persons who live on the islands are drawn together by a distinctive dialect, a rich cultural heritage, and what amounts to a thousand years of shared historical identity and development. The name for the cluster of islands—let us call it Bergand—is the name that an inhabitant of any one of the particular islands in the cluster is likely to identity himself by. Bergand has been under British rule for only three centuries. Until the last war, respectable Englishmen thought of Bergand as a source of seamen and servants, and the islands enjoyed—along with many other clusters of people in Britain—the status of a subordinate minority group. These factors making for distinctiveness are, of course, reinforced by the natural barrier of water between the mainland of Britain and the islands. In many ways, then, Berganders form a society unto themselves. 30 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knitting for a luxury market, almost nothing is manufactured. Until recently, the population had been declining very rapidly. The policy of the national government, for various reasons, has been a protective one, helping to maintain British standards of living by means of agricultural subsidies, statutes governing the rental price of small holdings, and an extremely high per capita payment to the islands for upkeep of required social services.The persons who live on the islands are drawn together by a distinctive dialect, a rich cultural heritage, and what amounts to a thousand years of shared historical identity and development. The name for the cluster of islands—let us call it Bergand—is the name that an inhabitant of any one of the particular islands in the cluster is likely to identity himself by. Bergand has been under British rule for only three centuries. Until the last war, respectable Englishmen thought of Bergand as a source of seamen and servants, and the islands enjoyed—along with many other clusters of people in Britain—the status of a subordinate minority group. These factors making for distinctiveness are, of course, reinforced by the natural barrier of water between the mainland of Britain and the islands. In many ways, then, Berganders form a society unto themselves. 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9e2c6ac1 23 29 7 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter II: Social Order and Social Interaction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a s 03 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a species of social order and can be studied by applying the model of social order to it. The applicability of this model to conversational interaction is suggested below. In this and in other chapters dealing with the conceptual framework, conversation in Western society is assumes as the data for which the framework is to be relevant. 30 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a species of social order and can be studied by applying the model of social order to it. The applicability of this model to conversational interaction is suggested below. In this and in other chapters dealing with the conceptual framework, conversation in Western society is assumes as the data for which the framework is to be relevant. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a6e896ec 31 34 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter III: Linguistic Behavior 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 03 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 30 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.17a480e0 35 45 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IV: Expressive Behavior 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented 03 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented in the character of his act. The tendency for the character of the actor to overflow into the character of his acts is usually called the expressive aspect of behavior.Behavior which is not expressive may be called instrumental. Instrumental behavior consists of activity which is officially of no value in itself but only of value in so far as it serves as a means to another end. Linguistic communication is a type of instrumental behavior and is officially valued only because it can serve as a means of conveying information. It must be clearly understood that expressive behavior is not a form of instrumental behavior; it is not intended as an admitted means to the end of transmitting information, or, in fact, as a means to any other end. Expressive behavior is not, primarily, rational behavior that can find a place in a voluntaristic means-ends scheme; rather, it is part of the behavioral impulse associated with any act. 30 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented in the character of his act. The tendency for the character of the actor to overflow into the character of his acts is usually called the expressive aspect of behavior.Behavior which is not expressive may be called instrumental. Instrumental behavior consists of activity which is officially of no value in itself but only of value in so far as it serves as a means to another end. Linguistic communication is a type of instrumental behavior and is officially valued only because it can serve as a means of conveying information. It must be clearly understood that expressive behavior is not a form of instrumental behavior; it is not intended as an admitted means to the end of transmitting information, or, in fact, as a means to any other end. Expressive behavior is not, primarily, rational behavior that can find a place in a voluntaristic means-ends scheme; rather, it is part of the behavioral impulse associated with any act. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a475d25e 46 55 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter V: The Management of Information About Oneself 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general thei 03 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general their likely behavior, and prepare for it. With information or this kind, he can determine how best to shape his own behavior in order to call forth a desired action from others. (The exploitation of the indicated likely response of others to his own behavior is required, of course, whether the actor wishes to please or to displease the others.) With information of this kind, the actor can learn what is expected of him and “where he stands” with respect to the others, helping thus to determine for himself who and what he is. We find, then, a whole complex of ends, any one or more of which may motivate the actor to the same kind of activity, i.e., an effort to find out as much as possible about the persons with whom he interacts. 30 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general their likely behavior, and prepare for it. With information or this kind, he can determine how best to shape his own behavior in order to call forth a desired action from others. (The exploitation of the indicated likely response of others to his own behavior is required, of course, whether the actor wishes to please or to displease the others.) With information of this kind, the actor can learn what is expected of him and “where he stands” with respect to the others, helping thus to determine for himself who and what he is. We find, then, a whole complex of ends, any one or more of which may motivate the actor to the same kind of activity, i.e., an effort to find out as much as possible about the persons with whom he interacts. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.08d178df 56 59 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VI: Indelicate Communication 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon th 03 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon the persons who receive them, this appreciation being guided in turn by the indications that recipients make of the response a proposed line of action will evoke from them. Spontaneous expression of feelings is partly inhibited and appropriate feelings are, in part, conveyed. Accommodation, working acceptance, and tentative harmony are the usual result. If a working acceptance cannot be managed, embarrassment, ill-ease, and confusion are often the result. Withdrawal, conflict, or abrupt alteration in relationships may also occur. In all of these cases, however, the individual knows that he is communicating and knows to whom he is communicating. Although he may be unaware of all that he communicates, he is in a position to exert discretion over a part, at least, of what he conveys, and he is in a position to make use of what he can learn by examining closely the indicated response of recipients to him. If he is not able to exert prior calculation over all that he conveys, he is at least in a position to benefit from a similar incapacity on the part of those who respond to him. Thus, whether we examine cases of working acceptance, withdrawal, conflict, embarrassment, or shift to alternate bases of treatment, we find the general factors of awareness and partial control. 30 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon the persons who receive them, this appreciation being guided in turn by the indications that recipients make of the response a proposed line of action will evoke from them. Spontaneous expression of feelings is partly inhibited and appropriate feelings are, in part, conveyed. Accommodation, working acceptance, and tentative harmony are the usual result. If a working acceptance cannot be managed, embarrassment, ill-ease, and confusion are often the result. Withdrawal, conflict, or abrupt alteration in relationships may also occur. In all of these cases, however, the individual knows that he is communicating and knows to whom he is communicating. Although he may be unaware of all that he communicates, he is in a position to exert discretion over a part, at least, of what he conveys, and he is in a position to make use of what he can learn by examining closely the indicated response of recipients to him. If he is not able to exert prior calculation over all that he conveys, he is at least in a position to benefit from a similar incapacity on the part of those who respond to him. Thus, whether we examine cases of working acceptance, withdrawal, conflict, embarrassment, or shift to alternate bases of treatment, we find the general factors of awareness and partial control. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.eba9bbba 60 64 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VII: Sign Situations 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of hims 03 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of himself and his conception of the others present. An embarrassingly rich context of events is available to serve as vehicles for signs of this kind; some of these events are simultaneously part of the task organization in which the persons find themselves, while some of these events serve no explicitly recognized task.When persons are in each other’s presence in a given situation, a definition usually prevails as to how each is to be treated. This definition of the situation is made possible by the fact that each participant possesses known determinants or qualifications which select out for others which of the different possible categories of treatment is to be accorded him. A corollary of this definitional process is that all qualifications which a person possesses which act as selective determinants of treatment in other situations but which are officially denied as irrelevant in the current situation must be ignored. The information which these irrelevant determinants or social characteristics carry may be received, but there is an obligation on the part of the recipient to act as if the information is in no way a determinant or a selector of behavior. This involves, on the part of recipients, suppression of response to information. Further, persons must not bring forth such irrelevant determinants as are not already apparent. 30 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of himself and his conception of the others present. An embarrassingly rich context of events is available to serve as vehicles for signs of this kind; some of these events are simultaneously part of the task organization in which the persons find themselves, while some of these events serve no explicitly recognized task.When persons are in each other’s presence in a given situation, a definition usually prevails as to how each is to be treated. This definition of the situation is made possible by the fact that each participant possesses known determinants or qualifications which select out for others which of the different possible categories of treatment is to be accorded him. A corollary of this definitional process is that all qualifications which a person possesses which act as selective determinants of treatment in other situations but which are officially denied as irrelevant in the current situation must be ignored. The information which these irrelevant determinants or social characteristics carry may be received, but there is an obligation on the part of the recipient to act as if the information is in no way a determinant or a selector of behavior. This involves, on the part of recipients, suppression of response to information. Further, persons must not bring forth such irrelevant determinants as are not already apparent. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.18454129 66 76 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VIII: Introduction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information tha 03 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information that is transferred from one place to another is commonly called a message. A message involves a configuration of signs and the transmission of physical carriers, or what have come to be called vehicles, of these signs. We usually think of vehicles as issuing from a sign-source, and we think of vehicles as being impelled form a source with a sign-impulse of given force or intensity, and as being impelled in a particular direction. The process of impulsion is usually called transmission, and arrangement of vehicles for the purpose of transmission is usually called encoding. A physical field in which vehicles of a given kind can be transmitted may be called a medium. We usually think of a medium in reference to the particular type of equipment—human and non-human—which must be employed if the signs transmitted in the medium are to be received. The source of sign-impulse may be called a transmitter and the agency which receives the signs a receiver. It is to be noted that the terms so far defined pertain to the physical aspects of communication, not to the social setting in which communication occurs. 30 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information that is transferred from one place to another is commonly called a message. A message involves a configuration of signs and the transmission of physical carriers, or what have come to be called vehicles, of these signs. We usually think of vehicles as issuing from a sign-source, and we think of vehicles as being impelled form a source with a sign-impulse of given force or intensity, and as being impelled in a particular direction. The process of impulsion is usually called transmission, and arrangement of vehicles for the purpose of transmission is usually called encoding. A physical field in which vehicles of a given kind can be transmitted may be called a medium. We usually think of a medium in reference to the particular type of equipment—human and non-human—which must be employed if the signs transmitted in the medium are to be received. The source of sign-impulse may be called a transmitter and the agency which receives the signs a receiver. It is to be noted that the terms so far defined pertain to the physical aspects of communication, not to the social setting in which communication occurs. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.387f8616 77 82 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IX: Social Occasion 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 03 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 30 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6c0c9ce2 83 88 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter X: Accredited Participation and Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but do 03 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but does so, and is allowed to do so, with legitimacy; his manner conveys that he is openly and admittedly involved in the conversation and that his presence in the conversation is a proper and justifiable thing.Accredited or legitimated attendance may be thought of as a kind of status. It is perhaps one of the broadest of statuses; persons of extremely discrepant social position can find themselves in a situation where it is fitting to impute it to one another. The status carries the right and the obligation to receive the message at hand, and the status implies the judgment that the participant is worthy and capable of receiving the message. It should be noted that incumbents of the status are obliged to be engaged at that very moment in exercising their status and that the status does not carry over from one period when it is being exercised to another period, as, for example, in the case of occupational statuses. There is no interspersing of times during which the status is exercised with times during which it is latent. 30 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but does so, and is allowed to do so, with legitimacy; his manner conveys that he is openly and admittedly involved in the conversation and that his presence in the conversation is a proper and justifiable thing.Accredited or legitimated attendance may be thought of as a kind of status. It is perhaps one of the broadest of statuses; persons of extremely discrepant social position can find themselves in a situation where it is fitting to impute it to one another. The status carries the right and the obligation to receive the message at hand, and the status implies the judgment that the participant is worthy and capable of receiving the message. It should be noted that incumbents of the status are obliged to be engaged at that very moment in exercising their status and that the status does not carry over from one period when it is being exercised to another period, as, for example, in the case of occupational statuses. There is no interspersing of times during which the status is exercised with times during which it is latent. 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1dc2eaf1 89 97 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XI: Expression During Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides ma 03 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides many vehicles for carrying information about the judgments participants make of one another. Of course, an event which is well designed to express such evaluations may not come to act in this way, and an event which does come to be expressive in this way may not be employed by anyone as a source of information. Furthermore, a vehicle which commonly carries information of one kind in one culture may carry a different meaning in another culture. In this chapter some of the frequent sources of expression in interplay will be considered. 30 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides many vehicles for carrying information about the judgments participants make of one another. Of course, an event which is well designed to express such evaluations may not come to act in this way, and an event which does come to be expressive in this way may not be employed by anyone as a source of information. Furthermore, a vehicle which commonly carries information of one kind in one culture may carry a different meaning in another culture. In this chapter some of the frequent sources of expression in interplay will be considered. 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3bc11117 98 104 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XII: Interchange of Messages 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Sho 03 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Short messages such as words or single sentences apparently have distinctive phonetic features; long messages, such as an uninterrupted thirty-minute talk, seem less neatly describable in phonetic terms. A single natural message may, of course, involve different pieces of information, but these differences are not relevant in terms of this study. 30 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Short messages such as words or single sentences apparently have distinctive phonetic features; long messages, such as an uninterrupted thirty-minute talk, seem less neatly describable in phonetic terms. A single natural message may, of course, involve different pieces of information, but these differences are not relevant in terms of this study. 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.05fe323e 105 113 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIII: Polite Interchanges 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick pe 03 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick person. When a person of any age has a birthday, the occasion will usually be marked by a party held for upwards of fifteen people; the immediate family, favorite relations and neighbors, and close friends. Invited persons all show their regard by bringing gifts. When a couple marries, a hundred or more persons will usually attend the wedding party held in the community hall, and many gifts will be given. When someone dies, males who are immediate neighbors, friends, and close relations will accompany the body to the burial ground. There are many other ceremonies of a similar kind. The islanders account for the ceremonial concern they show to one another by saying by saying that nothing much happens on the island so that persons are forced to turn to themselves as topics of conversation and as excuses to congregate. In any case, the ceremony seem to confirm a change in status of one or a few of the community’s members, or to reaffirm community support of a member who is injured. 30 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick person. When a person of any age has a birthday, the occasion will usually be marked by a party held for upwards of fifteen people; the immediate family, favorite relations and neighbors, and close friends. Invited persons all show their regard by bringing gifts. When a couple marries, a hundred or more persons will usually attend the wedding party held in the community hall, and many gifts will be given. When someone dies, males who are immediate neighbors, friends, and close relations will accompany the body to the burial ground. There are many other ceremonies of a similar kind. The islanders account for the ceremonial concern they show to one another by saying by saying that nothing much happens on the island so that persons are forced to turn to themselves as topics of conversation and as excuses to congregate. In any case, the ceremony seem to confirm a change in status of one or a few of the community’s members, or to reaffirm community support of a member who is injured. 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.03040491 114 118 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIV: The Organization of Attention 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of 03 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of the listeners upon the speaker. The initiation and maintenance of this organized attention, the transfer of it from one speaker to another, and its final dissolution all involve problems in attention management. 30 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of the listeners upon the speaker. The initiation and maintenance of this organized attention, the transfer of it from one speaker to another, and its final dissolution all involve problems in attention management. 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.e0092c28 119 124 6 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XV: Safe Supplies 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected 03 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected to behave in a decorous manner, giving appropriate consideration to the presence of others. The requirements of decorous behavior, in our society and in others, will not be considered here. In the realm of directed communication—for example, conversation—the individual must assume that both his messages and his behavior as a recipient will be expected to contribute to the maintenance of the working acceptance.Once individuals have extended accredited participant status to one another and have plunged into conversation, then it is necessary to sustain a continuous flow of messages until an inoffensive occasion presents itself for terminating the interplay. It appears that some persons can be so distantly related to one another that very little pretext may be needed to break off conversation and relapse into silence, and that some persons can be so intimately related to one another that on many occasions they can assume that no offense will be given when conversation lapses. It also seems that a wide range of social distance and of situations exists between these two extremes where a fairly good excuse is needed before conversation can safely lapse. 30 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected to behave in a decorous manner, giving appropriate consideration to the presence of others. The requirements of decorous behavior, in our society and in others, will not be considered here. In the realm of directed communication—for example, conversation—the individual must assume that both his messages and his behavior as a recipient will be expected to contribute to the maintenance of the working acceptance.Once individuals have extended accredited participant status to one another and have plunged into conversation, then it is necessary to sustain a continuous flow of messages until an inoffensive occasion presents itself for terminating the interplay. It appears that some persons can be so distantly related to one another that very little pretext may be needed to break off conversation and relapse into silence, and that some persons can be so intimately related to one another that on many occasions they can assume that no offense will be given when conversation lapses. It also seems that a wide range of social distance and of situations exists between these two extremes where a fairly good excuse is needed before conversation can safely lapse. 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6427827e 125 131 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVI: On Kinds of Exclusion from Participation 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an o 03 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an otherwise deserted road or in an otherwise empty room, or when all the persons in a hall are being addressed by a speaker. When all the persons who are in reception range of an interplay are also accredited participants in it, we shall speak of physical closure.When four or more persons are together in the same bounded region, they may separate off into more than one cluster or grouping, with each cluster maintaining a separate and distinct interplay. If the size of the region is great enough relative to the number of persons in it, it is possible for voices to be modulated downward and for the space of the region to be apportioned so that each interplay in the region is physically closed. This guarantees that no interplay will either be overheard by unaccredited recipients or be a disturbance for other interplays in the region. The same effect is sometimes approximated when the sound intensity of voices is modulated upwards so that the reception of a particular interplay is jammed for all persons not in the interplay. This kind of communication arrangement is found in crowded pubs and bars, and on streets where the noise level is high. 30 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an otherwise deserted road or in an otherwise empty room, or when all the persons in a hall are being addressed by a speaker. When all the persons who are in reception range of an interplay are also accredited participants in it, we shall speak of physical closure.When four or more persons are together in the same bounded region, they may separate off into more than one cluster or grouping, with each cluster maintaining a separate and distinct interplay. If the size of the region is great enough relative to the number of persons in it, it is possible for voices to be modulated downward and for the space of the region to be apportioned so that each interplay in the region is physically closed. This guarantees that no interplay will either be overheard by unaccredited recipients or be a disturbance for other interplays in the region. The same effect is sometimes approximated when the sound intensity of voices is modulated upwards so that the reception of a particular interplay is jammed for all persons not in the interplay. This kind of communication arrangement is found in crowded pubs and bars, and on streets where the noise level is high. 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a7731302 132 137 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVII: Dual Participation 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participan 03 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participants and leave the interplay, temporarily or permanently. This kind of departure is a well-designed sign vehicle for conveying a negative valuation of the participants who remain in the interplay. Departure may thus create a sign situation. A participant who wants to leave an interplay therefore tends to wait for a moment that is opportune—a natural break, as it were—so that the expressive implications of his departure will be minimized. He also tends to offer excuses to the remaining participants, so that a natural interpretation can be placed upon his departure. If he leaves momentarily to fix the lights, close the door, or do any or the other minor acts which help to maintain the region in order, he usually shows by his proximity to the disturbance or by his official role (e.g., as host) in these matters, that his momentary departure is not a personal reflection upon the interplay. 30 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participants and leave the interplay, temporarily or permanently. This kind of departure is a well-designed sign vehicle for conveying a negative valuation of the participants who remain in the interplay. Departure may thus create a sign situation. A participant who wants to leave an interplay therefore tends to wait for a moment that is opportune—a natural break, as it were—so that the expressive implications of his departure will be minimized. He also tends to offer excuses to the remaining participants, so that a natural interpretation can be placed upon his departure. If he leaves momentarily to fix the lights, close the door, or do any or the other minor acts which help to maintain the region in order, he usually shows by his proximity to the disturbance or by his official role (e.g., as host) in these matters, that his momentary departure is not a personal reflection upon the interplay. 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.db30da51 139 140 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVIII: Introduction: Euphoric and Dysphoric Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When 03 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When these conditions are present, we may say that the interaction is euphoric. To the degree that those present have been made to feel ill at ease, we may say that the interaction is dysphoric. In this study we are concerned with euphoric and dysphoric interaction only in cases where those present to each other are also involved in accredited directed communication with one another, i.e., in interplay. (It is to be clearly understood that many interesting false notes arise among persons who are engaged only in undirected communication with each other.)In Dixon, the specific requirements for euphoric interplay seem to be very subtle and complex. So delicate a balance seems to be required of factors potentially opposed to each other that it is a wonder any interplay at all is completely euphoric. 30 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When these conditions are present, we may say that the interaction is euphoric. To the degree that those present have been made to feel ill at ease, we may say that the interaction is dysphoric. In this study we are concerned with euphoric and dysphoric interaction only in cases where those present to each other are also involved in accredited directed communication with one another, i.e., in interplay. (It is to be clearly understood that many interesting false notes arise among persons who are engaged only in undirected communication with each other.)In Dixon, the specific requirements for euphoric interplay seem to be very subtle and complex. So delicate a balance seems to be required of factors potentially opposed to each other that it is a wonder any interplay at all is completely euphoric. 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.f205f188 141 147 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIX: Involvement 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay— 03 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay—that they have mobilized themselves for the interplay and have been carried away by it.In stating that participants of any euphoric interplay must become caught up in the interplay, it must be clearly added that the required level of involvement varies from interplay to interplay. Thus, when a housewife in Dixon is going about her daily domestic tasks in the presence of her immediate family, it is possible for her to flit in and out of euphoric interplay while practically all her attention and interest is patently accorded to the pots on the stove or the bannocks in the oven. Were she talking to the gentry or the minister, however, such casual involvement would be considered an affront, and a more focussed orientation to the conversation would be required. 30 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay—that they have mobilized themselves for the interplay and have been carried away by it.In stating that participants of any euphoric interplay must become caught up in the interplay, it must be clearly added that the required level of involvement varies from interplay to interplay. Thus, when a housewife in Dixon is going about her daily domestic tasks in the presence of her immediate family, it is possible for her to flit in and out of euphoric interplay while practically all her attention and interest is patently accorded to the pots on the stove or the bannocks in the oven. Were she talking to the gentry or the minister, however, such casual involvement would be considered an affront, and a more focussed orientation to the conversation would be required. 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.549348f7 148 155 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XX: Faulty Persons 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with 03 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with them, the interaction may be said to be dysphoric. The perception by one participant that another is insufficiently involved or that (as will be considered later) he is too much involved, may itself serve to make the perceiver feel ill at ease and must be considered along with the the other factors that can make a participant lose his spontaneous involvement in an interplay. So too, the perception by yet another participant that someone has perceived an offender may throw this second perceiver out of tune with the interaction. In these cases embarrassment seems to be a contagious and regenerative thing, feeding on itself, spreading from one participant to another, and from him to still others, in ever widening circles of discomfiture. 30 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with them, the interaction may be said to be dysphoric. The perception by one participant that another is insufficiently involved or that (as will be considered later) he is too much involved, may itself serve to make the perceiver feel ill at ease and must be considered along with the the other factors that can make a participant lose his spontaneous involvement in an interplay. So too, the perception by yet another participant that someone has perceived an offender may throw this second perceiver out of tune with the interaction. In these cases embarrassment seems to be a contagious and regenerative thing, feeding on itself, spreading from one participant to another, and from him to still others, in ever widening circles of discomfiture. 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9990e006 156 170 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXI: Involvement Poise 02 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them 03 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them aside for a time and act in terms of others. A neighbor or relation who came to help with the harvest would expect to be accorded a few ceremonial gestures at the beginning and end of the day’s efforts, but during the work he would take his place alongside members of the immediate family and any paid help, and tactfully restrict himself to the role of a worker. At a community social, the oldest and youngest persons present might dance together, a woman seventy and a boy of ten, and while they and the others would joke a little about this, during most of the dance the couple would simply in the capacity of dancers.We have considered the fact that during euphoric interplay participants express immediate involvement—and immersion, as it were—in the proceedings of the interplay. It must be carefully stated, however, that while participants regularly expressed unthinking involvement in the proceedings, it was felt that there ought to be a definite limit to this involvement, and participants made quite sure to express or feign that this limit existed. 30 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them aside for a time and act in terms of others. A neighbor or relation who came to help with the harvest would expect to be accorded a few ceremonial gestures at the beginning and end of the day’s efforts, but during the work he would take his place alongside members of the immediate family and any paid help, and tactfully restrict himself to the role of a worker. At a community social, the oldest and youngest persons present might dance together, a woman seventy and a boy of ten, and while they and the others would joke a little about this, during most of the dance the couple would simply in the capacity of dancers.We have considered the fact that during euphoric interplay participants express immediate involvement—and immersion, as it were—in the proceedings of the interplay. It must be carefully stated, however, that while participants regularly expressed unthinking involvement in the proceedings, it was felt that there ought to be a definite limit to this involvement, and participants made quite sure to express or feign that this limit existed. 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1d9cdcca 171 189 19 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXII: On Projected Selves 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his concept 03 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his conception of himself and his conception of the others present, and every one of his words and gestures may be taken by others as an expression of these conceptions. The individual may, of course, attempt to conceal this expression or actually may not (even unconsciously) make use of opportunities for it, but in any case the others will assume that his behavior expresses his valuation of himself and them. It will therefore be advisable for the individual to take account of the possible interpretations that might be placed upon his behavior, regardless of which, if any, interpretation he thinks is correct.When persons come together for purposes of interplay, each brings expectations as to the rights and obligations he will enjoy, and, by implication, a conception of himself which he expects the interplay will sustain. He also brings a familiarity with the treatment that ought to be accorded certain categories of persons and sufficient familiarity with symbols of status to hurriedly place those he meets into such social categories. And if the participants happen to know, or know of, one another, then, as Bales suggests, each participant may become, for the others, someone whose “… past actions and identity are remembered, including what he ‘has done’ prior to his entrance into the group and what he ’is’ outside the present in-group, and are attributed to him in the present as a part of his total significance.” In other words, each participant brings to the interplay a preliminary state of social information. 30 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his conception of himself and his conception of the others present, and every one of his words and gestures may be taken by others as an expression of these conceptions. The individual may, of course, attempt to conceal this expression or actually may not (even unconsciously) make use of opportunities for it, but in any case the others will assume that his behavior expresses his valuation of himself and them. It will therefore be advisable for the individual to take account of the possible interpretations that might be placed upon his behavior, regardless of which, if any, interpretation he thinks is correct.When persons come together for purposes of interplay, each brings expectations as to the rights and obligations he will enjoy, and, by implication, a conception of himself which he expects the interplay will sustain. He also brings a familiarity with the treatment that ought to be accorded certain categories of persons and sufficient familiarity with symbols of status to hurriedly place those he meets into such social categories. And if the participants happen to know, or know of, one another, then, as Bales suggests, each participant may become, for the others, someone whose “… past actions and identity are remembered, including what he ‘has done’ prior to his entrance into the group and what he ’is’ outside the present in-group, and are attributed to him in the present as a part of his total significance.” In other words, each participant brings to the interplay a preliminary state of social information. 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ba0f8e35 190 197 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXIII: The Management of Projected Selves 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not be 03 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not been or is no longer spontaneously accepted—whether this realization comes to the person whose projected self is not accepted or to the others—is likely to heighten the dysphoria.During interplay in Dixon, individuals exercise tact or social strategies in order to maintain interactional euphoria. Some of these strategies are preventive, serving to avoid threats to the interplay; some are corrective, serving to compensate for dangers that have not been successfully avoided. These strategies may be employed by the individual causing the disturbance (if, in fact, it is felt that some one person in particular is at fault) or by individuals for whom such a disturbance is caused. When these strategies are successfully employed, social harmony in the interactional order is maintained or restored. Of course, a person who acts in such a way as to contribute to the euphoria in an interplay may act from many different motives and intentions. Some typical strategies are reviewed here, illustrations being provided for a few of them. 30 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not been or is no longer spontaneously accepted—whether this realization comes to the person whose projected self is not accepted or to the others—is likely to heighten the dysphoria.During interplay in Dixon, individuals exercise tact or social strategies in order to maintain interactional euphoria. Some of these strategies are preventive, serving to avoid threats to the interplay; some are corrective, serving to compensate for dangers that have not been successfully avoided. These strategies may be employed by the individual causing the disturbance (if, in fact, it is felt that some one person in particular is at fault) or by individuals for whom such a disturbance is caused. When these strategies are successfully employed, social harmony in the interactional order is maintained or restored. Of course, a person who acts in such a way as to contribute to the euphoria in an interplay may act from many different motives and intentions. Some typical strategies are reviewed here, illustrations being provided for a few of them. 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9912a480 198 209 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Interpretations and Conclusions 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social n 03 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social norms. These norms are ultimate social values, differing from other kinds of ultimate values in that they do not function as goals and objectives that are striven for but function, rather, as a guide for action and conduct, often establishing a kind of outer and inner limit to the range of activity that is permissible and desirable in the pursuance of a goal. Norms do not provide means and ends but criteria for making choices among them. 30 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social norms. These norms are ultimate social values, differing from other kinds of ultimate values in that they do not function as goals and objectives that are striven for but function, rather, as a guide for action and conduct, often establishing a kind of outer and inner limit to the range of activity that is permissible and desirable in the pursuance of a goal. Norms do not provide means and ends but criteria for making choices among them. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/communication-conduct-in-an-island-community Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20221207 Winkin, Yves 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399078 03 9781951399078 06 15 9781951399108 03 9781951399108 06 15 9781951399085 03 9781951399085 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399153 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399153 20 08 20221207 02 15.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:0f134981-dad8-433f-93e8-561fa39fd1e1 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:e5f2cfba-6fb4-45da-add1-a747a9d3a572 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:0f134981-dad8-433f-93e8-561fa39fd1e1 15 9781951399078 03 9781951399078 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.baaa50af 13 2022951441 23 1355694284 00 EB E107 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 1 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 Communication Conduct in an Island Community 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was among the most important sociologists of the twentieth century. 2 A24 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Professor 40 00afp2z80 University of Liège Yves Winkin is Distinguished Emeritus Professor at the University of Liège and Honorary Professor at the Conservatoire national des arts et métiers. 01 eng 00 238 03 93 JHB 12 JHB 10 SOC026000 93 GTC 12 GTC 10 SOC061000 12 JHMC 93 JHMC 10 PSY031000 01 06 02 00 Erving Goffman’s 1953 dissertation, published here for the first time on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. 03 00 Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was the twentieth century’s most important sociologist writing in English. His 1953 dissertation is published here for the first time, on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. The remarkable study, based on fieldwork on a remote Scottish island, presents in embryonic form the full spread of Goffman’s thought. Framed as a “report on a study of conversational interaction,” the dissertation lingers on the modest talk of island “crofters.” It is trademark Goffman: ambitious, unconventional in form, and brimmed with big-picture insight. The thesis is that social order is made and re-made in communication—the “interaction order” he re-visited in a famous and final talk before his 1982 death. The dissertation is, as Yves Winkin writes in a new introduction, the “Rosetta stone for his entire work.” It was here that Goffman revealed, quietly, his peerless sensitivity to the invisible wireframes of everyday life. 30 00 Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was the twentieth century’s most important sociologist writing in English. His 1953 dissertation is published here for the first time, on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. The remarkable study, based on fieldwork on a remote Scottish island, presents in embryonic form the full spread of Goffman’s thought. Framed as a “report on a study of conversational interaction,” the dissertation lingers on the modest talk of island “crofters.” It is trademark Goffman: ambitious, unconventional in form, and brimmed with big-picture insight. The thesis is that social order is made and re-made in communication—the “interaction order” he re-visited in a famous and final talk before his 1982 death. The dissertation is, as Yves Winkin writes in a new introduction, the “Rosetta stone for his entire work.” It was here that Goffman revealed, quietly, his peerless sensitivity to the invisible wireframes of everyday life. 04 00 The Cradle: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition x Yves Winkin Introduction 4 Erving Goffman Part One: The Context Chapter I: Dixon 11 Erving Goffman Part Two: The Sociological Model Chapter II: Social Order and Social Interaction 23 Erving Goffman Part Three: On Information About One’s Self Chapter III: Linguistic Behavior 31 Erving Goffman Chapter IV: Expressive Behavior 35 Erving Goffman Chapter V: The Management of Information About Oneself 46 Erving Goffman Chapter VI: Indelicate Communication 56 Erving Goffman Chapter VII: Sign Situations 60 Erving Goffman Part Four: The Concrete Units of Conversational Communication Chapter VIII: Introduction 66 Erving Goffman Chapter IX: Social Occasion 77 Erving Goffman Chapter X: Accredited Participation and Interplay 83 Erving Goffman Chapter XI: Expression During Interplay 89 Erving Goffman Chapter XII: Interchange of Messages 98 Erving Goffman Chapter XIII: Polite Interchanges 105 Erving Goffman Chapter XIV: The Organization of Attention 114 Erving Goffman Chapter XV: Safe Supplies 119 Erving Goffman Chapter XVI: On Kinds of Exclusion from Participation 125 Erving Goffman Chapter XVII: Dual Participation 132 Erving Goffman Part Five: Conduct During Interplay Chapter XVIII: Introduction: Euphoric and Dysphoric Interplay 139 Erving Goffman Chapter XIX: Involvement 141 Erving Goffman Chapter XX: Faulty Persons 148 Erving Goffman Chapter XXI: Involvement Poise 156 Erving Goffman Chapter XXII: On Projected Selves 171 Erving Goffman Chapter XXIII: The Management of Projected Selves 190 Erving Goffman Interpretations and Conclusions 198 Erving Goffman Bibliography 210 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.baaa50af_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.21a77b51 x xxii 13 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Cradle: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Professor 40 00afp2z80 University of Liège 02 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questio 03 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questions are unanswerable today. But here is the gem. Not much of a frame is needed to appreciate it—only the circumstances of Goffman’s fieldwork in the Shetlands, and then some highlighting. When Goffman defended his dissertation in the early summer of 1953, his committee members were none too pleased, according to legend. Seventy years later, the piece appears luminous, extraordinarily mature, as if Goffman were already a fully professional sociologist from day one. 30 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questions are unanswerable today. But here is the gem. Not much of a frame is needed to appreciate it—only the circumstances of Goffman’s fieldwork in the Shetlands, and then some highlighting. When Goffman defended his dissertation in the early summer of 1953, his committee members were none too pleased, according to legend. Seventy years later, the piece appears luminous, extraordinarily mature, as if Goffman were already a fully professional sociologist from day one. 20 00 Open Access Winkin, Yves 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.778546a7 4 9 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research 03 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research was to isolate and record recurrent practices of what is usually called face-to-face interaction. The research was not designed to determine thoroughly or precisely the history of any interaction practice, the frequency and place of its occurrence, the social function which it performed, or even the range of persons among whom it occurred. The project was concerned with a more elementary question, namely, the kinds of types of practices which occurred. 30 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research was to isolate and record recurrent practices of what is usually called face-to-face interaction. The research was not designed to determine thoroughly or precisely the history of any interaction practice, the frequency and place of its occurrence, the social function which it performed, or even the range of persons among whom it occurred. The project was concerned with a more elementary question, namely, the kinds of types of practices which occurred. 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b831ce5 11 20 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter I: Dixon 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knittin 03 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knitting for a luxury market, almost nothing is manufactured. Until recently, the population had been declining very rapidly. The policy of the national government, for various reasons, has been a protective one, helping to maintain British standards of living by means of agricultural subsidies, statutes governing the rental price of small holdings, and an extremely high per capita payment to the islands for upkeep of required social services.The persons who live on the islands are drawn together by a distinctive dialect, a rich cultural heritage, and what amounts to a thousand years of shared historical identity and development. The name for the cluster of islands—let us call it Bergand—is the name that an inhabitant of any one of the particular islands in the cluster is likely to identity himself by. Bergand has been under British rule for only three centuries. Until the last war, respectable Englishmen thought of Bergand as a source of seamen and servants, and the islands enjoyed—along with many other clusters of people in Britain—the status of a subordinate minority group. These factors making for distinctiveness are, of course, reinforced by the natural barrier of water between the mainland of Britain and the islands. In many ways, then, Berganders form a society unto themselves. 30 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knitting for a luxury market, almost nothing is manufactured. Until recently, the population had been declining very rapidly. The policy of the national government, for various reasons, has been a protective one, helping to maintain British standards of living by means of agricultural subsidies, statutes governing the rental price of small holdings, and an extremely high per capita payment to the islands for upkeep of required social services.The persons who live on the islands are drawn together by a distinctive dialect, a rich cultural heritage, and what amounts to a thousand years of shared historical identity and development. The name for the cluster of islands—let us call it Bergand—is the name that an inhabitant of any one of the particular islands in the cluster is likely to identity himself by. Bergand has been under British rule for only three centuries. Until the last war, respectable Englishmen thought of Bergand as a source of seamen and servants, and the islands enjoyed—along with many other clusters of people in Britain—the status of a subordinate minority group. These factors making for distinctiveness are, of course, reinforced by the natural barrier of water between the mainland of Britain and the islands. In many ways, then, Berganders form a society unto themselves. 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9e2c6ac1 23 29 7 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter II: Social Order and Social Interaction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a s 03 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a species of social order and can be studied by applying the model of social order to it. The applicability of this model to conversational interaction is suggested below. In this and in other chapters dealing with the conceptual framework, conversation in Western society is assumes as the data for which the framework is to be relevant. 30 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a species of social order and can be studied by applying the model of social order to it. The applicability of this model to conversational interaction is suggested below. In this and in other chapters dealing with the conceptual framework, conversation in Western society is assumes as the data for which the framework is to be relevant. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a6e896ec 31 34 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter III: Linguistic Behavior 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 03 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 30 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.17a480e0 35 45 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IV: Expressive Behavior 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented 03 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented in the character of his act. The tendency for the character of the actor to overflow into the character of his acts is usually called the expressive aspect of behavior.Behavior which is not expressive may be called instrumental. Instrumental behavior consists of activity which is officially of no value in itself but only of value in so far as it serves as a means to another end. Linguistic communication is a type of instrumental behavior and is officially valued only because it can serve as a means of conveying information. It must be clearly understood that expressive behavior is not a form of instrumental behavior; it is not intended as an admitted means to the end of transmitting information, or, in fact, as a means to any other end. Expressive behavior is not, primarily, rational behavior that can find a place in a voluntaristic means-ends scheme; rather, it is part of the behavioral impulse associated with any act. 30 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented in the character of his act. The tendency for the character of the actor to overflow into the character of his acts is usually called the expressive aspect of behavior.Behavior which is not expressive may be called instrumental. Instrumental behavior consists of activity which is officially of no value in itself but only of value in so far as it serves as a means to another end. Linguistic communication is a type of instrumental behavior and is officially valued only because it can serve as a means of conveying information. It must be clearly understood that expressive behavior is not a form of instrumental behavior; it is not intended as an admitted means to the end of transmitting information, or, in fact, as a means to any other end. Expressive behavior is not, primarily, rational behavior that can find a place in a voluntaristic means-ends scheme; rather, it is part of the behavioral impulse associated with any act. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a475d25e 46 55 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter V: The Management of Information About Oneself 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general thei 03 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general their likely behavior, and prepare for it. With information or this kind, he can determine how best to shape his own behavior in order to call forth a desired action from others. (The exploitation of the indicated likely response of others to his own behavior is required, of course, whether the actor wishes to please or to displease the others.) With information of this kind, the actor can learn what is expected of him and “where he stands” with respect to the others, helping thus to determine for himself who and what he is. We find, then, a whole complex of ends, any one or more of which may motivate the actor to the same kind of activity, i.e., an effort to find out as much as possible about the persons with whom he interacts. 30 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general their likely behavior, and prepare for it. With information or this kind, he can determine how best to shape his own behavior in order to call forth a desired action from others. (The exploitation of the indicated likely response of others to his own behavior is required, of course, whether the actor wishes to please or to displease the others.) With information of this kind, the actor can learn what is expected of him and “where he stands” with respect to the others, helping thus to determine for himself who and what he is. We find, then, a whole complex of ends, any one or more of which may motivate the actor to the same kind of activity, i.e., an effort to find out as much as possible about the persons with whom he interacts. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.08d178df 56 59 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VI: Indelicate Communication 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon th 03 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon the persons who receive them, this appreciation being guided in turn by the indications that recipients make of the response a proposed line of action will evoke from them. Spontaneous expression of feelings is partly inhibited and appropriate feelings are, in part, conveyed. Accommodation, working acceptance, and tentative harmony are the usual result. If a working acceptance cannot be managed, embarrassment, ill-ease, and confusion are often the result. Withdrawal, conflict, or abrupt alteration in relationships may also occur. In all of these cases, however, the individual knows that he is communicating and knows to whom he is communicating. Although he may be unaware of all that he communicates, he is in a position to exert discretion over a part, at least, of what he conveys, and he is in a position to make use of what he can learn by examining closely the indicated response of recipients to him. If he is not able to exert prior calculation over all that he conveys, he is at least in a position to benefit from a similar incapacity on the part of those who respond to him. Thus, whether we examine cases of working acceptance, withdrawal, conflict, embarrassment, or shift to alternate bases of treatment, we find the general factors of awareness and partial control. 30 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon the persons who receive them, this appreciation being guided in turn by the indications that recipients make of the response a proposed line of action will evoke from them. Spontaneous expression of feelings is partly inhibited and appropriate feelings are, in part, conveyed. Accommodation, working acceptance, and tentative harmony are the usual result. If a working acceptance cannot be managed, embarrassment, ill-ease, and confusion are often the result. Withdrawal, conflict, or abrupt alteration in relationships may also occur. In all of these cases, however, the individual knows that he is communicating and knows to whom he is communicating. Although he may be unaware of all that he communicates, he is in a position to exert discretion over a part, at least, of what he conveys, and he is in a position to make use of what he can learn by examining closely the indicated response of recipients to him. If he is not able to exert prior calculation over all that he conveys, he is at least in a position to benefit from a similar incapacity on the part of those who respond to him. Thus, whether we examine cases of working acceptance, withdrawal, conflict, embarrassment, or shift to alternate bases of treatment, we find the general factors of awareness and partial control. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.eba9bbba 60 64 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VII: Sign Situations 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of hims 03 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of himself and his conception of the others present. An embarrassingly rich context of events is available to serve as vehicles for signs of this kind; some of these events are simultaneously part of the task organization in which the persons find themselves, while some of these events serve no explicitly recognized task.When persons are in each other’s presence in a given situation, a definition usually prevails as to how each is to be treated. This definition of the situation is made possible by the fact that each participant possesses known determinants or qualifications which select out for others which of the different possible categories of treatment is to be accorded him. A corollary of this definitional process is that all qualifications which a person possesses which act as selective determinants of treatment in other situations but which are officially denied as irrelevant in the current situation must be ignored. The information which these irrelevant determinants or social characteristics carry may be received, but there is an obligation on the part of the recipient to act as if the information is in no way a determinant or a selector of behavior. This involves, on the part of recipients, suppression of response to information. Further, persons must not bring forth such irrelevant determinants as are not already apparent. 30 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of himself and his conception of the others present. An embarrassingly rich context of events is available to serve as vehicles for signs of this kind; some of these events are simultaneously part of the task organization in which the persons find themselves, while some of these events serve no explicitly recognized task.When persons are in each other’s presence in a given situation, a definition usually prevails as to how each is to be treated. This definition of the situation is made possible by the fact that each participant possesses known determinants or qualifications which select out for others which of the different possible categories of treatment is to be accorded him. A corollary of this definitional process is that all qualifications which a person possesses which act as selective determinants of treatment in other situations but which are officially denied as irrelevant in the current situation must be ignored. The information which these irrelevant determinants or social characteristics carry may be received, but there is an obligation on the part of the recipient to act as if the information is in no way a determinant or a selector of behavior. This involves, on the part of recipients, suppression of response to information. Further, persons must not bring forth such irrelevant determinants as are not already apparent. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.18454129 66 76 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VIII: Introduction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information tha 03 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information that is transferred from one place to another is commonly called a message. A message involves a configuration of signs and the transmission of physical carriers, or what have come to be called vehicles, of these signs. We usually think of vehicles as issuing from a sign-source, and we think of vehicles as being impelled form a source with a sign-impulse of given force or intensity, and as being impelled in a particular direction. The process of impulsion is usually called transmission, and arrangement of vehicles for the purpose of transmission is usually called encoding. A physical field in which vehicles of a given kind can be transmitted may be called a medium. We usually think of a medium in reference to the particular type of equipment—human and non-human—which must be employed if the signs transmitted in the medium are to be received. The source of sign-impulse may be called a transmitter and the agency which receives the signs a receiver. It is to be noted that the terms so far defined pertain to the physical aspects of communication, not to the social setting in which communication occurs. 30 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information that is transferred from one place to another is commonly called a message. A message involves a configuration of signs and the transmission of physical carriers, or what have come to be called vehicles, of these signs. We usually think of vehicles as issuing from a sign-source, and we think of vehicles as being impelled form a source with a sign-impulse of given force or intensity, and as being impelled in a particular direction. The process of impulsion is usually called transmission, and arrangement of vehicles for the purpose of transmission is usually called encoding. A physical field in which vehicles of a given kind can be transmitted may be called a medium. We usually think of a medium in reference to the particular type of equipment—human and non-human—which must be employed if the signs transmitted in the medium are to be received. The source of sign-impulse may be called a transmitter and the agency which receives the signs a receiver. It is to be noted that the terms so far defined pertain to the physical aspects of communication, not to the social setting in which communication occurs. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.387f8616 77 82 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IX: Social Occasion 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 03 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 30 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6c0c9ce2 83 88 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter X: Accredited Participation and Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but do 03 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but does so, and is allowed to do so, with legitimacy; his manner conveys that he is openly and admittedly involved in the conversation and that his presence in the conversation is a proper and justifiable thing.Accredited or legitimated attendance may be thought of as a kind of status. It is perhaps one of the broadest of statuses; persons of extremely discrepant social position can find themselves in a situation where it is fitting to impute it to one another. The status carries the right and the obligation to receive the message at hand, and the status implies the judgment that the participant is worthy and capable of receiving the message. It should be noted that incumbents of the status are obliged to be engaged at that very moment in exercising their status and that the status does not carry over from one period when it is being exercised to another period, as, for example, in the case of occupational statuses. There is no interspersing of times during which the status is exercised with times during which it is latent. 30 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but does so, and is allowed to do so, with legitimacy; his manner conveys that he is openly and admittedly involved in the conversation and that his presence in the conversation is a proper and justifiable thing.Accredited or legitimated attendance may be thought of as a kind of status. It is perhaps one of the broadest of statuses; persons of extremely discrepant social position can find themselves in a situation where it is fitting to impute it to one another. The status carries the right and the obligation to receive the message at hand, and the status implies the judgment that the participant is worthy and capable of receiving the message. It should be noted that incumbents of the status are obliged to be engaged at that very moment in exercising their status and that the status does not carry over from one period when it is being exercised to another period, as, for example, in the case of occupational statuses. There is no interspersing of times during which the status is exercised with times during which it is latent. 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1dc2eaf1 89 97 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XI: Expression During Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides ma 03 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides many vehicles for carrying information about the judgments participants make of one another. Of course, an event which is well designed to express such evaluations may not come to act in this way, and an event which does come to be expressive in this way may not be employed by anyone as a source of information. Furthermore, a vehicle which commonly carries information of one kind in one culture may carry a different meaning in another culture. In this chapter some of the frequent sources of expression in interplay will be considered. 30 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides many vehicles for carrying information about the judgments participants make of one another. Of course, an event which is well designed to express such evaluations may not come to act in this way, and an event which does come to be expressive in this way may not be employed by anyone as a source of information. Furthermore, a vehicle which commonly carries information of one kind in one culture may carry a different meaning in another culture. In this chapter some of the frequent sources of expression in interplay will be considered. 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3bc11117 98 104 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XII: Interchange of Messages 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Sho 03 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Short messages such as words or single sentences apparently have distinctive phonetic features; long messages, such as an uninterrupted thirty-minute talk, seem less neatly describable in phonetic terms. A single natural message may, of course, involve different pieces of information, but these differences are not relevant in terms of this study. 30 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Short messages such as words or single sentences apparently have distinctive phonetic features; long messages, such as an uninterrupted thirty-minute talk, seem less neatly describable in phonetic terms. A single natural message may, of course, involve different pieces of information, but these differences are not relevant in terms of this study. 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.05fe323e 105 113 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIII: Polite Interchanges 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick pe 03 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick person. When a person of any age has a birthday, the occasion will usually be marked by a party held for upwards of fifteen people; the immediate family, favorite relations and neighbors, and close friends. Invited persons all show their regard by bringing gifts. When a couple marries, a hundred or more persons will usually attend the wedding party held in the community hall, and many gifts will be given. When someone dies, males who are immediate neighbors, friends, and close relations will accompany the body to the burial ground. There are many other ceremonies of a similar kind. The islanders account for the ceremonial concern they show to one another by saying by saying that nothing much happens on the island so that persons are forced to turn to themselves as topics of conversation and as excuses to congregate. In any case, the ceremony seem to confirm a change in status of one or a few of the community’s members, or to reaffirm community support of a member who is injured. 30 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick person. When a person of any age has a birthday, the occasion will usually be marked by a party held for upwards of fifteen people; the immediate family, favorite relations and neighbors, and close friends. Invited persons all show their regard by bringing gifts. When a couple marries, a hundred or more persons will usually attend the wedding party held in the community hall, and many gifts will be given. When someone dies, males who are immediate neighbors, friends, and close relations will accompany the body to the burial ground. There are many other ceremonies of a similar kind. The islanders account for the ceremonial concern they show to one another by saying by saying that nothing much happens on the island so that persons are forced to turn to themselves as topics of conversation and as excuses to congregate. In any case, the ceremony seem to confirm a change in status of one or a few of the community’s members, or to reaffirm community support of a member who is injured. 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.03040491 114 118 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIV: The Organization of Attention 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of 03 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of the listeners upon the speaker. The initiation and maintenance of this organized attention, the transfer of it from one speaker to another, and its final dissolution all involve problems in attention management. 30 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of the listeners upon the speaker. The initiation and maintenance of this organized attention, the transfer of it from one speaker to another, and its final dissolution all involve problems in attention management. 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.e0092c28 119 124 6 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XV: Safe Supplies 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected 03 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected to behave in a decorous manner, giving appropriate consideration to the presence of others. The requirements of decorous behavior, in our society and in others, will not be considered here. In the realm of directed communication—for example, conversation—the individual must assume that both his messages and his behavior as a recipient will be expected to contribute to the maintenance of the working acceptance.Once individuals have extended accredited participant status to one another and have plunged into conversation, then it is necessary to sustain a continuous flow of messages until an inoffensive occasion presents itself for terminating the interplay. It appears that some persons can be so distantly related to one another that very little pretext may be needed to break off conversation and relapse into silence, and that some persons can be so intimately related to one another that on many occasions they can assume that no offense will be given when conversation lapses. It also seems that a wide range of social distance and of situations exists between these two extremes where a fairly good excuse is needed before conversation can safely lapse. 30 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected to behave in a decorous manner, giving appropriate consideration to the presence of others. The requirements of decorous behavior, in our society and in others, will not be considered here. In the realm of directed communication—for example, conversation—the individual must assume that both his messages and his behavior as a recipient will be expected to contribute to the maintenance of the working acceptance.Once individuals have extended accredited participant status to one another and have plunged into conversation, then it is necessary to sustain a continuous flow of messages until an inoffensive occasion presents itself for terminating the interplay. It appears that some persons can be so distantly related to one another that very little pretext may be needed to break off conversation and relapse into silence, and that some persons can be so intimately related to one another that on many occasions they can assume that no offense will be given when conversation lapses. It also seems that a wide range of social distance and of situations exists between these two extremes where a fairly good excuse is needed before conversation can safely lapse. 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6427827e 125 131 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVI: On Kinds of Exclusion from Participation 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an o 03 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an otherwise deserted road or in an otherwise empty room, or when all the persons in a hall are being addressed by a speaker. When all the persons who are in reception range of an interplay are also accredited participants in it, we shall speak of physical closure.When four or more persons are together in the same bounded region, they may separate off into more than one cluster or grouping, with each cluster maintaining a separate and distinct interplay. If the size of the region is great enough relative to the number of persons in it, it is possible for voices to be modulated downward and for the space of the region to be apportioned so that each interplay in the region is physically closed. This guarantees that no interplay will either be overheard by unaccredited recipients or be a disturbance for other interplays in the region. The same effect is sometimes approximated when the sound intensity of voices is modulated upwards so that the reception of a particular interplay is jammed for all persons not in the interplay. This kind of communication arrangement is found in crowded pubs and bars, and on streets where the noise level is high. 30 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an otherwise deserted road or in an otherwise empty room, or when all the persons in a hall are being addressed by a speaker. When all the persons who are in reception range of an interplay are also accredited participants in it, we shall speak of physical closure.When four or more persons are together in the same bounded region, they may separate off into more than one cluster or grouping, with each cluster maintaining a separate and distinct interplay. If the size of the region is great enough relative to the number of persons in it, it is possible for voices to be modulated downward and for the space of the region to be apportioned so that each interplay in the region is physically closed. This guarantees that no interplay will either be overheard by unaccredited recipients or be a disturbance for other interplays in the region. The same effect is sometimes approximated when the sound intensity of voices is modulated upwards so that the reception of a particular interplay is jammed for all persons not in the interplay. This kind of communication arrangement is found in crowded pubs and bars, and on streets where the noise level is high. 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a7731302 132 137 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVII: Dual Participation 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participan 03 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participants and leave the interplay, temporarily or permanently. This kind of departure is a well-designed sign vehicle for conveying a negative valuation of the participants who remain in the interplay. Departure may thus create a sign situation. A participant who wants to leave an interplay therefore tends to wait for a moment that is opportune—a natural break, as it were—so that the expressive implications of his departure will be minimized. He also tends to offer excuses to the remaining participants, so that a natural interpretation can be placed upon his departure. If he leaves momentarily to fix the lights, close the door, or do any or the other minor acts which help to maintain the region in order, he usually shows by his proximity to the disturbance or by his official role (e.g., as host) in these matters, that his momentary departure is not a personal reflection upon the interplay. 30 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participants and leave the interplay, temporarily or permanently. This kind of departure is a well-designed sign vehicle for conveying a negative valuation of the participants who remain in the interplay. Departure may thus create a sign situation. A participant who wants to leave an interplay therefore tends to wait for a moment that is opportune—a natural break, as it were—so that the expressive implications of his departure will be minimized. He also tends to offer excuses to the remaining participants, so that a natural interpretation can be placed upon his departure. If he leaves momentarily to fix the lights, close the door, or do any or the other minor acts which help to maintain the region in order, he usually shows by his proximity to the disturbance or by his official role (e.g., as host) in these matters, that his momentary departure is not a personal reflection upon the interplay. 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.db30da51 139 140 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVIII: Introduction: Euphoric and Dysphoric Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When 03 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When these conditions are present, we may say that the interaction is euphoric. To the degree that those present have been made to feel ill at ease, we may say that the interaction is dysphoric. In this study we are concerned with euphoric and dysphoric interaction only in cases where those present to each other are also involved in accredited directed communication with one another, i.e., in interplay. (It is to be clearly understood that many interesting false notes arise among persons who are engaged only in undirected communication with each other.)In Dixon, the specific requirements for euphoric interplay seem to be very subtle and complex. So delicate a balance seems to be required of factors potentially opposed to each other that it is a wonder any interplay at all is completely euphoric. 30 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When these conditions are present, we may say that the interaction is euphoric. To the degree that those present have been made to feel ill at ease, we may say that the interaction is dysphoric. In this study we are concerned with euphoric and dysphoric interaction only in cases where those present to each other are also involved in accredited directed communication with one another, i.e., in interplay. (It is to be clearly understood that many interesting false notes arise among persons who are engaged only in undirected communication with each other.)In Dixon, the specific requirements for euphoric interplay seem to be very subtle and complex. So delicate a balance seems to be required of factors potentially opposed to each other that it is a wonder any interplay at all is completely euphoric. 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.f205f188 141 147 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIX: Involvement 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay— 03 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay—that they have mobilized themselves for the interplay and have been carried away by it.In stating that participants of any euphoric interplay must become caught up in the interplay, it must be clearly added that the required level of involvement varies from interplay to interplay. Thus, when a housewife in Dixon is going about her daily domestic tasks in the presence of her immediate family, it is possible for her to flit in and out of euphoric interplay while practically all her attention and interest is patently accorded to the pots on the stove or the bannocks in the oven. Were she talking to the gentry or the minister, however, such casual involvement would be considered an affront, and a more focussed orientation to the conversation would be required. 30 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay—that they have mobilized themselves for the interplay and have been carried away by it.In stating that participants of any euphoric interplay must become caught up in the interplay, it must be clearly added that the required level of involvement varies from interplay to interplay. Thus, when a housewife in Dixon is going about her daily domestic tasks in the presence of her immediate family, it is possible for her to flit in and out of euphoric interplay while practically all her attention and interest is patently accorded to the pots on the stove or the bannocks in the oven. Were she talking to the gentry or the minister, however, such casual involvement would be considered an affront, and a more focussed orientation to the conversation would be required. 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.549348f7 148 155 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XX: Faulty Persons 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with 03 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with them, the interaction may be said to be dysphoric. The perception by one participant that another is insufficiently involved or that (as will be considered later) he is too much involved, may itself serve to make the perceiver feel ill at ease and must be considered along with the the other factors that can make a participant lose his spontaneous involvement in an interplay. So too, the perception by yet another participant that someone has perceived an offender may throw this second perceiver out of tune with the interaction. In these cases embarrassment seems to be a contagious and regenerative thing, feeding on itself, spreading from one participant to another, and from him to still others, in ever widening circles of discomfiture. 30 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with them, the interaction may be said to be dysphoric. The perception by one participant that another is insufficiently involved or that (as will be considered later) he is too much involved, may itself serve to make the perceiver feel ill at ease and must be considered along with the the other factors that can make a participant lose his spontaneous involvement in an interplay. So too, the perception by yet another participant that someone has perceived an offender may throw this second perceiver out of tune with the interaction. In these cases embarrassment seems to be a contagious and regenerative thing, feeding on itself, spreading from one participant to another, and from him to still others, in ever widening circles of discomfiture. 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9990e006 156 170 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXI: Involvement Poise 02 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them 03 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them aside for a time and act in terms of others. A neighbor or relation who came to help with the harvest would expect to be accorded a few ceremonial gestures at the beginning and end of the day’s efforts, but during the work he would take his place alongside members of the immediate family and any paid help, and tactfully restrict himself to the role of a worker. At a community social, the oldest and youngest persons present might dance together, a woman seventy and a boy of ten, and while they and the others would joke a little about this, during most of the dance the couple would simply in the capacity of dancers.We have considered the fact that during euphoric interplay participants express immediate involvement—and immersion, as it were—in the proceedings of the interplay. It must be carefully stated, however, that while participants regularly expressed unthinking involvement in the proceedings, it was felt that there ought to be a definite limit to this involvement, and participants made quite sure to express or feign that this limit existed. 30 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them aside for a time and act in terms of others. A neighbor or relation who came to help with the harvest would expect to be accorded a few ceremonial gestures at the beginning and end of the day’s efforts, but during the work he would take his place alongside members of the immediate family and any paid help, and tactfully restrict himself to the role of a worker. At a community social, the oldest and youngest persons present might dance together, a woman seventy and a boy of ten, and while they and the others would joke a little about this, during most of the dance the couple would simply in the capacity of dancers.We have considered the fact that during euphoric interplay participants express immediate involvement—and immersion, as it were—in the proceedings of the interplay. It must be carefully stated, however, that while participants regularly expressed unthinking involvement in the proceedings, it was felt that there ought to be a definite limit to this involvement, and participants made quite sure to express or feign that this limit existed. 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1d9cdcca 171 189 19 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXII: On Projected Selves 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his concept 03 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his conception of himself and his conception of the others present, and every one of his words and gestures may be taken by others as an expression of these conceptions. The individual may, of course, attempt to conceal this expression or actually may not (even unconsciously) make use of opportunities for it, but in any case the others will assume that his behavior expresses his valuation of himself and them. It will therefore be advisable for the individual to take account of the possible interpretations that might be placed upon his behavior, regardless of which, if any, interpretation he thinks is correct.When persons come together for purposes of interplay, each brings expectations as to the rights and obligations he will enjoy, and, by implication, a conception of himself which he expects the interplay will sustain. He also brings a familiarity with the treatment that ought to be accorded certain categories of persons and sufficient familiarity with symbols of status to hurriedly place those he meets into such social categories. And if the participants happen to know, or know of, one another, then, as Bales suggests, each participant may become, for the others, someone whose “… past actions and identity are remembered, including what he ‘has done’ prior to his entrance into the group and what he ’is’ outside the present in-group, and are attributed to him in the present as a part of his total significance.” In other words, each participant brings to the interplay a preliminary state of social information. 30 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his conception of himself and his conception of the others present, and every one of his words and gestures may be taken by others as an expression of these conceptions. The individual may, of course, attempt to conceal this expression or actually may not (even unconsciously) make use of opportunities for it, but in any case the others will assume that his behavior expresses his valuation of himself and them. It will therefore be advisable for the individual to take account of the possible interpretations that might be placed upon his behavior, regardless of which, if any, interpretation he thinks is correct.When persons come together for purposes of interplay, each brings expectations as to the rights and obligations he will enjoy, and, by implication, a conception of himself which he expects the interplay will sustain. He also brings a familiarity with the treatment that ought to be accorded certain categories of persons and sufficient familiarity with symbols of status to hurriedly place those he meets into such social categories. And if the participants happen to know, or know of, one another, then, as Bales suggests, each participant may become, for the others, someone whose “… past actions and identity are remembered, including what he ‘has done’ prior to his entrance into the group and what he ’is’ outside the present in-group, and are attributed to him in the present as a part of his total significance.” In other words, each participant brings to the interplay a preliminary state of social information. 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ba0f8e35 190 197 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXIII: The Management of Projected Selves 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not be 03 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not been or is no longer spontaneously accepted—whether this realization comes to the person whose projected self is not accepted or to the others—is likely to heighten the dysphoria.During interplay in Dixon, individuals exercise tact or social strategies in order to maintain interactional euphoria. Some of these strategies are preventive, serving to avoid threats to the interplay; some are corrective, serving to compensate for dangers that have not been successfully avoided. These strategies may be employed by the individual causing the disturbance (if, in fact, it is felt that some one person in particular is at fault) or by individuals for whom such a disturbance is caused. When these strategies are successfully employed, social harmony in the interactional order is maintained or restored. Of course, a person who acts in such a way as to contribute to the euphoria in an interplay may act from many different motives and intentions. Some typical strategies are reviewed here, illustrations being provided for a few of them. 30 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not been or is no longer spontaneously accepted—whether this realization comes to the person whose projected self is not accepted or to the others—is likely to heighten the dysphoria.During interplay in Dixon, individuals exercise tact or social strategies in order to maintain interactional euphoria. Some of these strategies are preventive, serving to avoid threats to the interplay; some are corrective, serving to compensate for dangers that have not been successfully avoided. These strategies may be employed by the individual causing the disturbance (if, in fact, it is felt that some one person in particular is at fault) or by individuals for whom such a disturbance is caused. When these strategies are successfully employed, social harmony in the interactional order is maintained or restored. Of course, a person who acts in such a way as to contribute to the euphoria in an interplay may act from many different motives and intentions. Some typical strategies are reviewed here, illustrations being provided for a few of them. 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9912a480 198 209 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Interpretations and Conclusions 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social n 03 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social norms. These norms are ultimate social values, differing from other kinds of ultimate values in that they do not function as goals and objectives that are striven for but function, rather, as a guide for action and conduct, often establishing a kind of outer and inner limit to the range of activity that is permissible and desirable in the pursuance of a goal. Norms do not provide means and ends but criteria for making choices among them. 30 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social norms. These norms are ultimate social values, differing from other kinds of ultimate values in that they do not function as goals and objectives that are striven for but function, rather, as a guide for action and conduct, often establishing a kind of outer and inner limit to the range of activity that is permissible and desirable in the pursuance of a goal. Norms do not provide means and ends but criteria for making choices among them. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/communication-conduct-in-an-island-community Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20221207 Winkin, Yves 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399153 03 9781951399153 06 15 9781951399108 03 9781951399108 06 15 9781951399085 03 9781951399085 WORLD 11 PROJECT_MUSE 36 PROJECT_MUSE: webpage for this product https://muse.jhu.edu/book/109567 29 PROJECT_MUSE: download the title https://muse.jhu.edu/book/109567 20 08 20221207 01 11 OAPEN 36 OAPEN: webpage for this product https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/60113 29 OAPEN: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/60113/9781951399078.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y 20 08 20221207 01 11 DOAB 36 DOAB: webpage for this product https://directory.doabooks.org/handle/20.500.12854/94926 29 DOAB: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/20.500.12657/60113/1/9781951399078.pdf 20 08 20221207 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.google.com/books?id=GfChEAAAQBAJ&newbks=0&hl=en&source=newbks_fba 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.google.com/books/download/Communication_Conduct_in_an_Island_Commu.pdf?id=GfChEAAAQBAJ&output=pdf&sig=ACfU3U1lTmyWRy7N6UauZgB1iSSIXryvGQ 20 08 20221207 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/communication-conduct-in-an-island-community 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/ccic1.0/goffman-1953-communication-conduct.pdf 20 08 20221207 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=C50AC8DDF3BEB1178E901A96DE91B022 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title http://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=C50AC8DDF3BEB1178E901A96DE91B022 20 08 20221207 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/e5f2cfba-6fb4-45da-add1-a747a9d3a572 29 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: download the title https://archive.org/download/e5f2cfba-6fb4-45da-add1-a747a9d3a572/e5f2cfba-6fb4-45da-add1-a747a9d3a572.pdf 20 08 20221207 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/goffman-1953-communication-conduct 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.baaa50af.pdf 20 08 20221207 01 urn:uuid:70479d95-22f9-4643-945a-8c5de3ca3082 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:e5f2cfba-6fb4-45da-add1-a747a9d3a572 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:70479d95-22f9-4643-945a-8c5de3ca3082 15 9781951399108 03 9781951399108 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.baaa50af 13 2022951441 23 1355694284 00 EB E105 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 1 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 Communication Conduct in an Island Community 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was among the most important sociologists of the twentieth century. 2 A24 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Professor 40 00afp2z80 University of Liège Yves Winkin is Distinguished Emeritus Professor at the University of Liège and Honorary Professor at the Conservatoire national des arts et métiers. 01 eng 00 238 03 93 JHB 12 JHB 10 SOC026000 93 GTC 12 GTC 10 SOC061000 12 JHMC 93 JHMC 10 PSY031000 01 06 02 00 Erving Goffman’s 1953 dissertation, published here for the first time on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. 03 00 Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was the twentieth century’s most important sociologist writing in English. His 1953 dissertation is published here for the first time, on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. The remarkable study, based on fieldwork on a remote Scottish island, presents in embryonic form the full spread of Goffman’s thought. Framed as a “report on a study of conversational interaction,” the dissertation lingers on the modest talk of island “crofters.” It is trademark Goffman: ambitious, unconventional in form, and brimmed with big-picture insight. The thesis is that social order is made and re-made in communication—the “interaction order” he re-visited in a famous and final talk before his 1982 death. The dissertation is, as Yves Winkin writes in a new introduction, the “Rosetta stone for his entire work.” It was here that Goffman revealed, quietly, his peerless sensitivity to the invisible wireframes of everyday life. 30 00 Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was the twentieth century’s most important sociologist writing in English. His 1953 dissertation is published here for the first time, on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. The remarkable study, based on fieldwork on a remote Scottish island, presents in embryonic form the full spread of Goffman’s thought. Framed as a “report on a study of conversational interaction,” the dissertation lingers on the modest talk of island “crofters.” It is trademark Goffman: ambitious, unconventional in form, and brimmed with big-picture insight. The thesis is that social order is made and re-made in communication—the “interaction order” he re-visited in a famous and final talk before his 1982 death. The dissertation is, as Yves Winkin writes in a new introduction, the “Rosetta stone for his entire work.” It was here that Goffman revealed, quietly, his peerless sensitivity to the invisible wireframes of everyday life. 04 00 The Cradle: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition x Yves Winkin Introduction 4 Erving Goffman Part One: The Context Chapter I: Dixon 11 Erving Goffman Part Two: The Sociological Model Chapter II: Social Order and Social Interaction 23 Erving Goffman Part Three: On Information About One’s Self Chapter III: Linguistic Behavior 31 Erving Goffman Chapter IV: Expressive Behavior 35 Erving Goffman Chapter V: The Management of Information About Oneself 46 Erving Goffman Chapter VI: Indelicate Communication 56 Erving Goffman Chapter VII: Sign Situations 60 Erving Goffman Part Four: The Concrete Units of Conversational Communication Chapter VIII: Introduction 66 Erving Goffman Chapter IX: Social Occasion 77 Erving Goffman Chapter X: Accredited Participation and Interplay 83 Erving Goffman Chapter XI: Expression During Interplay 89 Erving Goffman Chapter XII: Interchange of Messages 98 Erving Goffman Chapter XIII: Polite Interchanges 105 Erving Goffman Chapter XIV: The Organization of Attention 114 Erving Goffman Chapter XV: Safe Supplies 119 Erving Goffman Chapter XVI: On Kinds of Exclusion from Participation 125 Erving Goffman Chapter XVII: Dual Participation 132 Erving Goffman Part Five: Conduct During Interplay Chapter XVIII: Introduction: Euphoric and Dysphoric Interplay 139 Erving Goffman Chapter XIX: Involvement 141 Erving Goffman Chapter XX: Faulty Persons 148 Erving Goffman Chapter XXI: Involvement Poise 156 Erving Goffman Chapter XXII: On Projected Selves 171 Erving Goffman Chapter XXIII: The Management of Projected Selves 190 Erving Goffman Interpretations and Conclusions 198 Erving Goffman Bibliography 210 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.baaa50af_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.21a77b51 x xxii 13 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Cradle: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Professor 40 00afp2z80 University of Liège 02 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questio 03 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questions are unanswerable today. But here is the gem. Not much of a frame is needed to appreciate it—only the circumstances of Goffman’s fieldwork in the Shetlands, and then some highlighting. When Goffman defended his dissertation in the early summer of 1953, his committee members were none too pleased, according to legend. Seventy years later, the piece appears luminous, extraordinarily mature, as if Goffman were already a fully professional sociologist from day one. 30 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questions are unanswerable today. But here is the gem. Not much of a frame is needed to appreciate it—only the circumstances of Goffman’s fieldwork in the Shetlands, and then some highlighting. When Goffman defended his dissertation in the early summer of 1953, his committee members were none too pleased, according to legend. Seventy years later, the piece appears luminous, extraordinarily mature, as if Goffman were already a fully professional sociologist from day one. 20 00 Open Access Winkin, Yves 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.778546a7 4 9 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research 03 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research was to isolate and record recurrent practices of what is usually called face-to-face interaction. The research was not designed to determine thoroughly or precisely the history of any interaction practice, the frequency and place of its occurrence, the social function which it performed, or even the range of persons among whom it occurred. The project was concerned with a more elementary question, namely, the kinds of types of practices which occurred. 30 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research was to isolate and record recurrent practices of what is usually called face-to-face interaction. The research was not designed to determine thoroughly or precisely the history of any interaction practice, the frequency and place of its occurrence, the social function which it performed, or even the range of persons among whom it occurred. The project was concerned with a more elementary question, namely, the kinds of types of practices which occurred. 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b831ce5 11 20 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter I: Dixon 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knittin 03 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knitting for a luxury market, almost nothing is manufactured. Until recently, the population had been declining very rapidly. The policy of the national government, for various reasons, has been a protective one, helping to maintain British standards of living by means of agricultural subsidies, statutes governing the rental price of small holdings, and an extremely high per capita payment to the islands for upkeep of required social services.The persons who live on the islands are drawn together by a distinctive dialect, a rich cultural heritage, and what amounts to a thousand years of shared historical identity and development. The name for the cluster of islands—let us call it Bergand—is the name that an inhabitant of any one of the particular islands in the cluster is likely to identity himself by. Bergand has been under British rule for only three centuries. Until the last war, respectable Englishmen thought of Bergand as a source of seamen and servants, and the islands enjoyed—along with many other clusters of people in Britain—the status of a subordinate minority group. These factors making for distinctiveness are, of course, reinforced by the natural barrier of water between the mainland of Britain and the islands. In many ways, then, Berganders form a society unto themselves. 30 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knitting for a luxury market, almost nothing is manufactured. Until recently, the population had been declining very rapidly. The policy of the national government, for various reasons, has been a protective one, helping to maintain British standards of living by means of agricultural subsidies, statutes governing the rental price of small holdings, and an extremely high per capita payment to the islands for upkeep of required social services.The persons who live on the islands are drawn together by a distinctive dialect, a rich cultural heritage, and what amounts to a thousand years of shared historical identity and development. The name for the cluster of islands—let us call it Bergand—is the name that an inhabitant of any one of the particular islands in the cluster is likely to identity himself by. Bergand has been under British rule for only three centuries. Until the last war, respectable Englishmen thought of Bergand as a source of seamen and servants, and the islands enjoyed—along with many other clusters of people in Britain—the status of a subordinate minority group. These factors making for distinctiveness are, of course, reinforced by the natural barrier of water between the mainland of Britain and the islands. In many ways, then, Berganders form a society unto themselves. 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9e2c6ac1 23 29 7 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter II: Social Order and Social Interaction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a s 03 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a species of social order and can be studied by applying the model of social order to it. The applicability of this model to conversational interaction is suggested below. In this and in other chapters dealing with the conceptual framework, conversation in Western society is assumes as the data for which the framework is to be relevant. 30 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a species of social order and can be studied by applying the model of social order to it. The applicability of this model to conversational interaction is suggested below. In this and in other chapters dealing with the conceptual framework, conversation in Western society is assumes as the data for which the framework is to be relevant. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a6e896ec 31 34 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter III: Linguistic Behavior 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 03 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 30 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.17a480e0 35 45 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IV: Expressive Behavior 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented 03 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented in the character of his act. The tendency for the character of the actor to overflow into the character of his acts is usually called the expressive aspect of behavior.Behavior which is not expressive may be called instrumental. Instrumental behavior consists of activity which is officially of no value in itself but only of value in so far as it serves as a means to another end. Linguistic communication is a type of instrumental behavior and is officially valued only because it can serve as a means of conveying information. It must be clearly understood that expressive behavior is not a form of instrumental behavior; it is not intended as an admitted means to the end of transmitting information, or, in fact, as a means to any other end. Expressive behavior is not, primarily, rational behavior that can find a place in a voluntaristic means-ends scheme; rather, it is part of the behavioral impulse associated with any act. 30 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented in the character of his act. The tendency for the character of the actor to overflow into the character of his acts is usually called the expressive aspect of behavior.Behavior which is not expressive may be called instrumental. Instrumental behavior consists of activity which is officially of no value in itself but only of value in so far as it serves as a means to another end. Linguistic communication is a type of instrumental behavior and is officially valued only because it can serve as a means of conveying information. It must be clearly understood that expressive behavior is not a form of instrumental behavior; it is not intended as an admitted means to the end of transmitting information, or, in fact, as a means to any other end. Expressive behavior is not, primarily, rational behavior that can find a place in a voluntaristic means-ends scheme; rather, it is part of the behavioral impulse associated with any act. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a475d25e 46 55 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter V: The Management of Information About Oneself 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general thei 03 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general their likely behavior, and prepare for it. With information or this kind, he can determine how best to shape his own behavior in order to call forth a desired action from others. (The exploitation of the indicated likely response of others to his own behavior is required, of course, whether the actor wishes to please or to displease the others.) With information of this kind, the actor can learn what is expected of him and “where he stands” with respect to the others, helping thus to determine for himself who and what he is. We find, then, a whole complex of ends, any one or more of which may motivate the actor to the same kind of activity, i.e., an effort to find out as much as possible about the persons with whom he interacts. 30 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general their likely behavior, and prepare for it. With information or this kind, he can determine how best to shape his own behavior in order to call forth a desired action from others. (The exploitation of the indicated likely response of others to his own behavior is required, of course, whether the actor wishes to please or to displease the others.) With information of this kind, the actor can learn what is expected of him and “where he stands” with respect to the others, helping thus to determine for himself who and what he is. We find, then, a whole complex of ends, any one or more of which may motivate the actor to the same kind of activity, i.e., an effort to find out as much as possible about the persons with whom he interacts. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.08d178df 56 59 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VI: Indelicate Communication 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon th 03 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon the persons who receive them, this appreciation being guided in turn by the indications that recipients make of the response a proposed line of action will evoke from them. Spontaneous expression of feelings is partly inhibited and appropriate feelings are, in part, conveyed. Accommodation, working acceptance, and tentative harmony are the usual result. If a working acceptance cannot be managed, embarrassment, ill-ease, and confusion are often the result. Withdrawal, conflict, or abrupt alteration in relationships may also occur. In all of these cases, however, the individual knows that he is communicating and knows to whom he is communicating. Although he may be unaware of all that he communicates, he is in a position to exert discretion over a part, at least, of what he conveys, and he is in a position to make use of what he can learn by examining closely the indicated response of recipients to him. If he is not able to exert prior calculation over all that he conveys, he is at least in a position to benefit from a similar incapacity on the part of those who respond to him. Thus, whether we examine cases of working acceptance, withdrawal, conflict, embarrassment, or shift to alternate bases of treatment, we find the general factors of awareness and partial control. 30 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon the persons who receive them, this appreciation being guided in turn by the indications that recipients make of the response a proposed line of action will evoke from them. Spontaneous expression of feelings is partly inhibited and appropriate feelings are, in part, conveyed. Accommodation, working acceptance, and tentative harmony are the usual result. If a working acceptance cannot be managed, embarrassment, ill-ease, and confusion are often the result. Withdrawal, conflict, or abrupt alteration in relationships may also occur. In all of these cases, however, the individual knows that he is communicating and knows to whom he is communicating. Although he may be unaware of all that he communicates, he is in a position to exert discretion over a part, at least, of what he conveys, and he is in a position to make use of what he can learn by examining closely the indicated response of recipients to him. If he is not able to exert prior calculation over all that he conveys, he is at least in a position to benefit from a similar incapacity on the part of those who respond to him. Thus, whether we examine cases of working acceptance, withdrawal, conflict, embarrassment, or shift to alternate bases of treatment, we find the general factors of awareness and partial control. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.eba9bbba 60 64 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VII: Sign Situations 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of hims 03 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of himself and his conception of the others present. An embarrassingly rich context of events is available to serve as vehicles for signs of this kind; some of these events are simultaneously part of the task organization in which the persons find themselves, while some of these events serve no explicitly recognized task.When persons are in each other’s presence in a given situation, a definition usually prevails as to how each is to be treated. This definition of the situation is made possible by the fact that each participant possesses known determinants or qualifications which select out for others which of the different possible categories of treatment is to be accorded him. A corollary of this definitional process is that all qualifications which a person possesses which act as selective determinants of treatment in other situations but which are officially denied as irrelevant in the current situation must be ignored. The information which these irrelevant determinants or social characteristics carry may be received, but there is an obligation on the part of the recipient to act as if the information is in no way a determinant or a selector of behavior. This involves, on the part of recipients, suppression of response to information. Further, persons must not bring forth such irrelevant determinants as are not already apparent. 30 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of himself and his conception of the others present. An embarrassingly rich context of events is available to serve as vehicles for signs of this kind; some of these events are simultaneously part of the task organization in which the persons find themselves, while some of these events serve no explicitly recognized task.When persons are in each other’s presence in a given situation, a definition usually prevails as to how each is to be treated. This definition of the situation is made possible by the fact that each participant possesses known determinants or qualifications which select out for others which of the different possible categories of treatment is to be accorded him. A corollary of this definitional process is that all qualifications which a person possesses which act as selective determinants of treatment in other situations but which are officially denied as irrelevant in the current situation must be ignored. The information which these irrelevant determinants or social characteristics carry may be received, but there is an obligation on the part of the recipient to act as if the information is in no way a determinant or a selector of behavior. This involves, on the part of recipients, suppression of response to information. Further, persons must not bring forth such irrelevant determinants as are not already apparent. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.18454129 66 76 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VIII: Introduction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information tha 03 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information that is transferred from one place to another is commonly called a message. A message involves a configuration of signs and the transmission of physical carriers, or what have come to be called vehicles, of these signs. We usually think of vehicles as issuing from a sign-source, and we think of vehicles as being impelled form a source with a sign-impulse of given force or intensity, and as being impelled in a particular direction. The process of impulsion is usually called transmission, and arrangement of vehicles for the purpose of transmission is usually called encoding. A physical field in which vehicles of a given kind can be transmitted may be called a medium. We usually think of a medium in reference to the particular type of equipment—human and non-human—which must be employed if the signs transmitted in the medium are to be received. The source of sign-impulse may be called a transmitter and the agency which receives the signs a receiver. It is to be noted that the terms so far defined pertain to the physical aspects of communication, not to the social setting in which communication occurs. 30 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information that is transferred from one place to another is commonly called a message. A message involves a configuration of signs and the transmission of physical carriers, or what have come to be called vehicles, of these signs. We usually think of vehicles as issuing from a sign-source, and we think of vehicles as being impelled form a source with a sign-impulse of given force or intensity, and as being impelled in a particular direction. The process of impulsion is usually called transmission, and arrangement of vehicles for the purpose of transmission is usually called encoding. A physical field in which vehicles of a given kind can be transmitted may be called a medium. We usually think of a medium in reference to the particular type of equipment—human and non-human—which must be employed if the signs transmitted in the medium are to be received. The source of sign-impulse may be called a transmitter and the agency which receives the signs a receiver. It is to be noted that the terms so far defined pertain to the physical aspects of communication, not to the social setting in which communication occurs. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.387f8616 77 82 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IX: Social Occasion 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 03 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 30 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6c0c9ce2 83 88 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter X: Accredited Participation and Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but do 03 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but does so, and is allowed to do so, with legitimacy; his manner conveys that he is openly and admittedly involved in the conversation and that his presence in the conversation is a proper and justifiable thing.Accredited or legitimated attendance may be thought of as a kind of status. It is perhaps one of the broadest of statuses; persons of extremely discrepant social position can find themselves in a situation where it is fitting to impute it to one another. The status carries the right and the obligation to receive the message at hand, and the status implies the judgment that the participant is worthy and capable of receiving the message. It should be noted that incumbents of the status are obliged to be engaged at that very moment in exercising their status and that the status does not carry over from one period when it is being exercised to another period, as, for example, in the case of occupational statuses. There is no interspersing of times during which the status is exercised with times during which it is latent. 30 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but does so, and is allowed to do so, with legitimacy; his manner conveys that he is openly and admittedly involved in the conversation and that his presence in the conversation is a proper and justifiable thing.Accredited or legitimated attendance may be thought of as a kind of status. It is perhaps one of the broadest of statuses; persons of extremely discrepant social position can find themselves in a situation where it is fitting to impute it to one another. The status carries the right and the obligation to receive the message at hand, and the status implies the judgment that the participant is worthy and capable of receiving the message. It should be noted that incumbents of the status are obliged to be engaged at that very moment in exercising their status and that the status does not carry over from one period when it is being exercised to another period, as, for example, in the case of occupational statuses. There is no interspersing of times during which the status is exercised with times during which it is latent. 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1dc2eaf1 89 97 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XI: Expression During Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides ma 03 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides many vehicles for carrying information about the judgments participants make of one another. Of course, an event which is well designed to express such evaluations may not come to act in this way, and an event which does come to be expressive in this way may not be employed by anyone as a source of information. Furthermore, a vehicle which commonly carries information of one kind in one culture may carry a different meaning in another culture. In this chapter some of the frequent sources of expression in interplay will be considered. 30 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides many vehicles for carrying information about the judgments participants make of one another. Of course, an event which is well designed to express such evaluations may not come to act in this way, and an event which does come to be expressive in this way may not be employed by anyone as a source of information. Furthermore, a vehicle which commonly carries information of one kind in one culture may carry a different meaning in another culture. In this chapter some of the frequent sources of expression in interplay will be considered. 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3bc11117 98 104 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XII: Interchange of Messages 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Sho 03 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Short messages such as words or single sentences apparently have distinctive phonetic features; long messages, such as an uninterrupted thirty-minute talk, seem less neatly describable in phonetic terms. A single natural message may, of course, involve different pieces of information, but these differences are not relevant in terms of this study. 30 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Short messages such as words or single sentences apparently have distinctive phonetic features; long messages, such as an uninterrupted thirty-minute talk, seem less neatly describable in phonetic terms. A single natural message may, of course, involve different pieces of information, but these differences are not relevant in terms of this study. 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.05fe323e 105 113 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIII: Polite Interchanges 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick pe 03 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick person. When a person of any age has a birthday, the occasion will usually be marked by a party held for upwards of fifteen people; the immediate family, favorite relations and neighbors, and close friends. Invited persons all show their regard by bringing gifts. When a couple marries, a hundred or more persons will usually attend the wedding party held in the community hall, and many gifts will be given. When someone dies, males who are immediate neighbors, friends, and close relations will accompany the body to the burial ground. There are many other ceremonies of a similar kind. The islanders account for the ceremonial concern they show to one another by saying by saying that nothing much happens on the island so that persons are forced to turn to themselves as topics of conversation and as excuses to congregate. In any case, the ceremony seem to confirm a change in status of one or a few of the community’s members, or to reaffirm community support of a member who is injured. 30 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick person. When a person of any age has a birthday, the occasion will usually be marked by a party held for upwards of fifteen people; the immediate family, favorite relations and neighbors, and close friends. Invited persons all show their regard by bringing gifts. When a couple marries, a hundred or more persons will usually attend the wedding party held in the community hall, and many gifts will be given. When someone dies, males who are immediate neighbors, friends, and close relations will accompany the body to the burial ground. There are many other ceremonies of a similar kind. The islanders account for the ceremonial concern they show to one another by saying by saying that nothing much happens on the island so that persons are forced to turn to themselves as topics of conversation and as excuses to congregate. In any case, the ceremony seem to confirm a change in status of one or a few of the community’s members, or to reaffirm community support of a member who is injured. 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.03040491 114 118 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIV: The Organization of Attention 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of 03 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of the listeners upon the speaker. The initiation and maintenance of this organized attention, the transfer of it from one speaker to another, and its final dissolution all involve problems in attention management. 30 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of the listeners upon the speaker. The initiation and maintenance of this organized attention, the transfer of it from one speaker to another, and its final dissolution all involve problems in attention management. 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.e0092c28 119 124 6 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XV: Safe Supplies 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected 03 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected to behave in a decorous manner, giving appropriate consideration to the presence of others. The requirements of decorous behavior, in our society and in others, will not be considered here. In the realm of directed communication—for example, conversation—the individual must assume that both his messages and his behavior as a recipient will be expected to contribute to the maintenance of the working acceptance.Once individuals have extended accredited participant status to one another and have plunged into conversation, then it is necessary to sustain a continuous flow of messages until an inoffensive occasion presents itself for terminating the interplay. It appears that some persons can be so distantly related to one another that very little pretext may be needed to break off conversation and relapse into silence, and that some persons can be so intimately related to one another that on many occasions they can assume that no offense will be given when conversation lapses. It also seems that a wide range of social distance and of situations exists between these two extremes where a fairly good excuse is needed before conversation can safely lapse. 30 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected to behave in a decorous manner, giving appropriate consideration to the presence of others. The requirements of decorous behavior, in our society and in others, will not be considered here. In the realm of directed communication—for example, conversation—the individual must assume that both his messages and his behavior as a recipient will be expected to contribute to the maintenance of the working acceptance.Once individuals have extended accredited participant status to one another and have plunged into conversation, then it is necessary to sustain a continuous flow of messages until an inoffensive occasion presents itself for terminating the interplay. It appears that some persons can be so distantly related to one another that very little pretext may be needed to break off conversation and relapse into silence, and that some persons can be so intimately related to one another that on many occasions they can assume that no offense will be given when conversation lapses. It also seems that a wide range of social distance and of situations exists between these two extremes where a fairly good excuse is needed before conversation can safely lapse. 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6427827e 125 131 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVI: On Kinds of Exclusion from Participation 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an o 03 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an otherwise deserted road or in an otherwise empty room, or when all the persons in a hall are being addressed by a speaker. When all the persons who are in reception range of an interplay are also accredited participants in it, we shall speak of physical closure.When four or more persons are together in the same bounded region, they may separate off into more than one cluster or grouping, with each cluster maintaining a separate and distinct interplay. If the size of the region is great enough relative to the number of persons in it, it is possible for voices to be modulated downward and for the space of the region to be apportioned so that each interplay in the region is physically closed. This guarantees that no interplay will either be overheard by unaccredited recipients or be a disturbance for other interplays in the region. The same effect is sometimes approximated when the sound intensity of voices is modulated upwards so that the reception of a particular interplay is jammed for all persons not in the interplay. This kind of communication arrangement is found in crowded pubs and bars, and on streets where the noise level is high. 30 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an otherwise deserted road or in an otherwise empty room, or when all the persons in a hall are being addressed by a speaker. When all the persons who are in reception range of an interplay are also accredited participants in it, we shall speak of physical closure.When four or more persons are together in the same bounded region, they may separate off into more than one cluster or grouping, with each cluster maintaining a separate and distinct interplay. If the size of the region is great enough relative to the number of persons in it, it is possible for voices to be modulated downward and for the space of the region to be apportioned so that each interplay in the region is physically closed. This guarantees that no interplay will either be overheard by unaccredited recipients or be a disturbance for other interplays in the region. The same effect is sometimes approximated when the sound intensity of voices is modulated upwards so that the reception of a particular interplay is jammed for all persons not in the interplay. This kind of communication arrangement is found in crowded pubs and bars, and on streets where the noise level is high. 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a7731302 132 137 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVII: Dual Participation 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participan 03 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participants and leave the interplay, temporarily or permanently. This kind of departure is a well-designed sign vehicle for conveying a negative valuation of the participants who remain in the interplay. Departure may thus create a sign situation. A participant who wants to leave an interplay therefore tends to wait for a moment that is opportune—a natural break, as it were—so that the expressive implications of his departure will be minimized. He also tends to offer excuses to the remaining participants, so that a natural interpretation can be placed upon his departure. If he leaves momentarily to fix the lights, close the door, or do any or the other minor acts which help to maintain the region in order, he usually shows by his proximity to the disturbance or by his official role (e.g., as host) in these matters, that his momentary departure is not a personal reflection upon the interplay. 30 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participants and leave the interplay, temporarily or permanently. This kind of departure is a well-designed sign vehicle for conveying a negative valuation of the participants who remain in the interplay. Departure may thus create a sign situation. A participant who wants to leave an interplay therefore tends to wait for a moment that is opportune—a natural break, as it were—so that the expressive implications of his departure will be minimized. He also tends to offer excuses to the remaining participants, so that a natural interpretation can be placed upon his departure. If he leaves momentarily to fix the lights, close the door, or do any or the other minor acts which help to maintain the region in order, he usually shows by his proximity to the disturbance or by his official role (e.g., as host) in these matters, that his momentary departure is not a personal reflection upon the interplay. 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.db30da51 139 140 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVIII: Introduction: Euphoric and Dysphoric Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When 03 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When these conditions are present, we may say that the interaction is euphoric. To the degree that those present have been made to feel ill at ease, we may say that the interaction is dysphoric. In this study we are concerned with euphoric and dysphoric interaction only in cases where those present to each other are also involved in accredited directed communication with one another, i.e., in interplay. (It is to be clearly understood that many interesting false notes arise among persons who are engaged only in undirected communication with each other.)In Dixon, the specific requirements for euphoric interplay seem to be very subtle and complex. So delicate a balance seems to be required of factors potentially opposed to each other that it is a wonder any interplay at all is completely euphoric. 30 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When these conditions are present, we may say that the interaction is euphoric. To the degree that those present have been made to feel ill at ease, we may say that the interaction is dysphoric. In this study we are concerned with euphoric and dysphoric interaction only in cases where those present to each other are also involved in accredited directed communication with one another, i.e., in interplay. (It is to be clearly understood that many interesting false notes arise among persons who are engaged only in undirected communication with each other.)In Dixon, the specific requirements for euphoric interplay seem to be very subtle and complex. So delicate a balance seems to be required of factors potentially opposed to each other that it is a wonder any interplay at all is completely euphoric. 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.f205f188 141 147 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIX: Involvement 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay— 03 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay—that they have mobilized themselves for the interplay and have been carried away by it.In stating that participants of any euphoric interplay must become caught up in the interplay, it must be clearly added that the required level of involvement varies from interplay to interplay. Thus, when a housewife in Dixon is going about her daily domestic tasks in the presence of her immediate family, it is possible for her to flit in and out of euphoric interplay while practically all her attention and interest is patently accorded to the pots on the stove or the bannocks in the oven. Were she talking to the gentry or the minister, however, such casual involvement would be considered an affront, and a more focussed orientation to the conversation would be required. 30 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay—that they have mobilized themselves for the interplay and have been carried away by it.In stating that participants of any euphoric interplay must become caught up in the interplay, it must be clearly added that the required level of involvement varies from interplay to interplay. Thus, when a housewife in Dixon is going about her daily domestic tasks in the presence of her immediate family, it is possible for her to flit in and out of euphoric interplay while practically all her attention and interest is patently accorded to the pots on the stove or the bannocks in the oven. Were she talking to the gentry or the minister, however, such casual involvement would be considered an affront, and a more focussed orientation to the conversation would be required. 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.549348f7 148 155 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XX: Faulty Persons 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with 03 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with them, the interaction may be said to be dysphoric. The perception by one participant that another is insufficiently involved or that (as will be considered later) he is too much involved, may itself serve to make the perceiver feel ill at ease and must be considered along with the the other factors that can make a participant lose his spontaneous involvement in an interplay. So too, the perception by yet another participant that someone has perceived an offender may throw this second perceiver out of tune with the interaction. In these cases embarrassment seems to be a contagious and regenerative thing, feeding on itself, spreading from one participant to another, and from him to still others, in ever widening circles of discomfiture. 30 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with them, the interaction may be said to be dysphoric. The perception by one participant that another is insufficiently involved or that (as will be considered later) he is too much involved, may itself serve to make the perceiver feel ill at ease and must be considered along with the the other factors that can make a participant lose his spontaneous involvement in an interplay. So too, the perception by yet another participant that someone has perceived an offender may throw this second perceiver out of tune with the interaction. In these cases embarrassment seems to be a contagious and regenerative thing, feeding on itself, spreading from one participant to another, and from him to still others, in ever widening circles of discomfiture. 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9990e006 156 170 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXI: Involvement Poise 02 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them 03 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them aside for a time and act in terms of others. A neighbor or relation who came to help with the harvest would expect to be accorded a few ceremonial gestures at the beginning and end of the day’s efforts, but during the work he would take his place alongside members of the immediate family and any paid help, and tactfully restrict himself to the role of a worker. At a community social, the oldest and youngest persons present might dance together, a woman seventy and a boy of ten, and while they and the others would joke a little about this, during most of the dance the couple would simply in the capacity of dancers.We have considered the fact that during euphoric interplay participants express immediate involvement—and immersion, as it were—in the proceedings of the interplay. It must be carefully stated, however, that while participants regularly expressed unthinking involvement in the proceedings, it was felt that there ought to be a definite limit to this involvement, and participants made quite sure to express or feign that this limit existed. 30 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them aside for a time and act in terms of others. A neighbor or relation who came to help with the harvest would expect to be accorded a few ceremonial gestures at the beginning and end of the day’s efforts, but during the work he would take his place alongside members of the immediate family and any paid help, and tactfully restrict himself to the role of a worker. At a community social, the oldest and youngest persons present might dance together, a woman seventy and a boy of ten, and while they and the others would joke a little about this, during most of the dance the couple would simply in the capacity of dancers.We have considered the fact that during euphoric interplay participants express immediate involvement—and immersion, as it were—in the proceedings of the interplay. It must be carefully stated, however, that while participants regularly expressed unthinking involvement in the proceedings, it was felt that there ought to be a definite limit to this involvement, and participants made quite sure to express or feign that this limit existed. 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1d9cdcca 171 189 19 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXII: On Projected Selves 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his concept 03 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his conception of himself and his conception of the others present, and every one of his words and gestures may be taken by others as an expression of these conceptions. The individual may, of course, attempt to conceal this expression or actually may not (even unconsciously) make use of opportunities for it, but in any case the others will assume that his behavior expresses his valuation of himself and them. It will therefore be advisable for the individual to take account of the possible interpretations that might be placed upon his behavior, regardless of which, if any, interpretation he thinks is correct.When persons come together for purposes of interplay, each brings expectations as to the rights and obligations he will enjoy, and, by implication, a conception of himself which he expects the interplay will sustain. He also brings a familiarity with the treatment that ought to be accorded certain categories of persons and sufficient familiarity with symbols of status to hurriedly place those he meets into such social categories. And if the participants happen to know, or know of, one another, then, as Bales suggests, each participant may become, for the others, someone whose “… past actions and identity are remembered, including what he ‘has done’ prior to his entrance into the group and what he ’is’ outside the present in-group, and are attributed to him in the present as a part of his total significance.” In other words, each participant brings to the interplay a preliminary state of social information. 30 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his conception of himself and his conception of the others present, and every one of his words and gestures may be taken by others as an expression of these conceptions. The individual may, of course, attempt to conceal this expression or actually may not (even unconsciously) make use of opportunities for it, but in any case the others will assume that his behavior expresses his valuation of himself and them. It will therefore be advisable for the individual to take account of the possible interpretations that might be placed upon his behavior, regardless of which, if any, interpretation he thinks is correct.When persons come together for purposes of interplay, each brings expectations as to the rights and obligations he will enjoy, and, by implication, a conception of himself which he expects the interplay will sustain. He also brings a familiarity with the treatment that ought to be accorded certain categories of persons and sufficient familiarity with symbols of status to hurriedly place those he meets into such social categories. And if the participants happen to know, or know of, one another, then, as Bales suggests, each participant may become, for the others, someone whose “… past actions and identity are remembered, including what he ‘has done’ prior to his entrance into the group and what he ’is’ outside the present in-group, and are attributed to him in the present as a part of his total significance.” In other words, each participant brings to the interplay a preliminary state of social information. 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ba0f8e35 190 197 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXIII: The Management of Projected Selves 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not be 03 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not been or is no longer spontaneously accepted—whether this realization comes to the person whose projected self is not accepted or to the others—is likely to heighten the dysphoria.During interplay in Dixon, individuals exercise tact or social strategies in order to maintain interactional euphoria. Some of these strategies are preventive, serving to avoid threats to the interplay; some are corrective, serving to compensate for dangers that have not been successfully avoided. These strategies may be employed by the individual causing the disturbance (if, in fact, it is felt that some one person in particular is at fault) or by individuals for whom such a disturbance is caused. When these strategies are successfully employed, social harmony in the interactional order is maintained or restored. Of course, a person who acts in such a way as to contribute to the euphoria in an interplay may act from many different motives and intentions. Some typical strategies are reviewed here, illustrations being provided for a few of them. 30 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not been or is no longer spontaneously accepted—whether this realization comes to the person whose projected self is not accepted or to the others—is likely to heighten the dysphoria.During interplay in Dixon, individuals exercise tact or social strategies in order to maintain interactional euphoria. Some of these strategies are preventive, serving to avoid threats to the interplay; some are corrective, serving to compensate for dangers that have not been successfully avoided. These strategies may be employed by the individual causing the disturbance (if, in fact, it is felt that some one person in particular is at fault) or by individuals for whom such a disturbance is caused. When these strategies are successfully employed, social harmony in the interactional order is maintained or restored. Of course, a person who acts in such a way as to contribute to the euphoria in an interplay may act from many different motives and intentions. Some typical strategies are reviewed here, illustrations being provided for a few of them. 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9912a480 198 209 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Interpretations and Conclusions 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social n 03 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social norms. These norms are ultimate social values, differing from other kinds of ultimate values in that they do not function as goals and objectives that are striven for but function, rather, as a guide for action and conduct, often establishing a kind of outer and inner limit to the range of activity that is permissible and desirable in the pursuance of a goal. Norms do not provide means and ends but criteria for making choices among them. 30 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social norms. These norms are ultimate social values, differing from other kinds of ultimate values in that they do not function as goals and objectives that are striven for but function, rather, as a guide for action and conduct, often establishing a kind of outer and inner limit to the range of activity that is permissible and desirable in the pursuance of a goal. Norms do not provide means and ends but criteria for making choices among them. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/communication-conduct-in-an-island-community Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20221207 Winkin, Yves 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399153 03 9781951399153 06 15 9781951399078 03 9781951399078 06 15 9781951399085 03 9781951399085 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/communication-conduct-in-an-island-community 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.mediastudies.press/communication-conduct-in-an-island-community 20 08 20221207 01 urn:uuid:fae49dc1-3ab4-4c94-bcd1-7c3c2dcad086 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:e5f2cfba-6fb4-45da-add1-a747a9d3a572 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:fae49dc1-3ab4-4c94-bcd1-7c3c2dcad086 15 9781951399085 03 9781951399085 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.baaa50af 13 2022951441 23 1355694284 00 EB E101 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 1 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 Communication Conduct in an Island Community 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was among the most important sociologists of the twentieth century. 2 A24 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Professor 40 00afp2z80 University of Liège Yves Winkin is Distinguished Emeritus Professor at the University of Liège and Honorary Professor at the Conservatoire national des arts et métiers. 01 eng 00 238 03 93 JHB 12 JHB 10 SOC026000 93 GTC 12 GTC 10 SOC061000 12 JHMC 93 JHMC 10 PSY031000 01 06 02 00 Erving Goffman’s 1953 dissertation, published here for the first time on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. 03 00 Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was the twentieth century’s most important sociologist writing in English. His 1953 dissertation is published here for the first time, on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. The remarkable study, based on fieldwork on a remote Scottish island, presents in embryonic form the full spread of Goffman’s thought. Framed as a “report on a study of conversational interaction,” the dissertation lingers on the modest talk of island “crofters.” It is trademark Goffman: ambitious, unconventional in form, and brimmed with big-picture insight. The thesis is that social order is made and re-made in communication—the “interaction order” he re-visited in a famous and final talk before his 1982 death. The dissertation is, as Yves Winkin writes in a new introduction, the “Rosetta stone for his entire work.” It was here that Goffman revealed, quietly, his peerless sensitivity to the invisible wireframes of everyday life. 30 00 Canadian-born Erving Goffman (1922–1982) was the twentieth century’s most important sociologist writing in English. His 1953 dissertation is published here for the first time, on the hundredth anniversary of his birth. The remarkable study, based on fieldwork on a remote Scottish island, presents in embryonic form the full spread of Goffman’s thought. Framed as a “report on a study of conversational interaction,” the dissertation lingers on the modest talk of island “crofters.” It is trademark Goffman: ambitious, unconventional in form, and brimmed with big-picture insight. The thesis is that social order is made and re-made in communication—the “interaction order” he re-visited in a famous and final talk before his 1982 death. The dissertation is, as Yves Winkin writes in a new introduction, the “Rosetta stone for his entire work.” It was here that Goffman revealed, quietly, his peerless sensitivity to the invisible wireframes of everyday life. 04 00 The Cradle: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition x Yves Winkin Introduction 4 Erving Goffman Part One: The Context Chapter I: Dixon 11 Erving Goffman Part Two: The Sociological Model Chapter II: Social Order and Social Interaction 23 Erving Goffman Part Three: On Information About One’s Self Chapter III: Linguistic Behavior 31 Erving Goffman Chapter IV: Expressive Behavior 35 Erving Goffman Chapter V: The Management of Information About Oneself 46 Erving Goffman Chapter VI: Indelicate Communication 56 Erving Goffman Chapter VII: Sign Situations 60 Erving Goffman Part Four: The Concrete Units of Conversational Communication Chapter VIII: Introduction 66 Erving Goffman Chapter IX: Social Occasion 77 Erving Goffman Chapter X: Accredited Participation and Interplay 83 Erving Goffman Chapter XI: Expression During Interplay 89 Erving Goffman Chapter XII: Interchange of Messages 98 Erving Goffman Chapter XIII: Polite Interchanges 105 Erving Goffman Chapter XIV: The Organization of Attention 114 Erving Goffman Chapter XV: Safe Supplies 119 Erving Goffman Chapter XVI: On Kinds of Exclusion from Participation 125 Erving Goffman Chapter XVII: Dual Participation 132 Erving Goffman Part Five: Conduct During Interplay Chapter XVIII: Introduction: Euphoric and Dysphoric Interplay 139 Erving Goffman Chapter XIX: Involvement 141 Erving Goffman Chapter XX: Faulty Persons 148 Erving Goffman Chapter XXI: Involvement Poise 156 Erving Goffman Chapter XXII: On Projected Selves 171 Erving Goffman Chapter XXIII: The Management of Projected Selves 190 Erving Goffman Interpretations and Conclusions 198 Erving Goffman Bibliography 210 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.baaa50af_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.21a77b51 x xxii 13 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Cradle: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Professor 40 00afp2z80 University of Liège 02 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questio 03 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questions are unanswerable today. But here is the gem. Not much of a frame is needed to appreciate it—only the circumstances of Goffman’s fieldwork in the Shetlands, and then some highlighting. When Goffman defended his dissertation in the early summer of 1953, his committee members were none too pleased, according to legend. Seventy years later, the piece appears luminous, extraordinarily mature, as if Goffman were already a fully professional sociologist from day one. 30 00 Erving Goffman’s dissertation is the Rosetta stone for his entire work, which, as time goes by, appears to be more and more groundbreaking. Why was Communication Conduct in an Island Community not published earlier? Why did commentators not exploit it more systematically? Why did Goffman himself not try to have it published? All those questions are unanswerable today. But here is the gem. Not much of a frame is needed to appreciate it—only the circumstances of Goffman’s fieldwork in the Shetlands, and then some highlighting. When Goffman defended his dissertation in the early summer of 1953, his committee members were none too pleased, according to legend. Seventy years later, the piece appears luminous, extraordinarily mature, as if Goffman were already a fully professional sociologist from day one. 20 00 Open Access Winkin, Yves 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.778546a7 4 9 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research 03 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research was to isolate and record recurrent practices of what is usually called face-to-face interaction. The research was not designed to determine thoroughly or precisely the history of any interaction practice, the frequency and place of its occurrence, the social function which it performed, or even the range of persons among whom it occurred. The project was concerned with a more elementary question, namely, the kinds of types of practices which occurred. 30 00 This is a report on a study of conversational interaction. It is based on twelve months of field work carried on between December, 1949, and May, 1951, in a small community in Great Britain. The community is located on a small island, one in an isolated group of islands that supports a subsistence rural economy.The aim of the research was to isolate and record recurrent practices of what is usually called face-to-face interaction. The research was not designed to determine thoroughly or precisely the history of any interaction practice, the frequency and place of its occurrence, the social function which it performed, or even the range of persons among whom it occurred. The project was concerned with a more elementary question, namely, the kinds of types of practices which occurred. 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b831ce5 11 20 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter I: Dixon 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knittin 03 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knitting for a luxury market, almost nothing is manufactured. Until recently, the population had been declining very rapidly. The policy of the national government, for various reasons, has been a protective one, helping to maintain British standards of living by means of agricultural subsidies, statutes governing the rental price of small holdings, and an extremely high per capita payment to the islands for upkeep of required social services.The persons who live on the islands are drawn together by a distinctive dialect, a rich cultural heritage, and what amounts to a thousand years of shared historical identity and development. The name for the cluster of islands—let us call it Bergand—is the name that an inhabitant of any one of the particular islands in the cluster is likely to identity himself by. Bergand has been under British rule for only three centuries. Until the last war, respectable Englishmen thought of Bergand as a source of seamen and servants, and the islands enjoyed—along with many other clusters of people in Britain—the status of a subordinate minority group. These factors making for distinctiveness are, of course, reinforced by the natural barrier of water between the mainland of Britain and the islands. In many ways, then, Berganders form a society unto themselves. 30 00 More than a hundred miles off the coast of Britain there is a cluster of islands containing about twenty thousand inhabitants. These persons are supported by a poor economy of small-scale sheep farming and fishing. Less than ten per cent of the five hundred square miles of land on the islands is under cultivation, and, except for home-knitting for a luxury market, almost nothing is manufactured. Until recently, the population had been declining very rapidly. The policy of the national government, for various reasons, has been a protective one, helping to maintain British standards of living by means of agricultural subsidies, statutes governing the rental price of small holdings, and an extremely high per capita payment to the islands for upkeep of required social services.The persons who live on the islands are drawn together by a distinctive dialect, a rich cultural heritage, and what amounts to a thousand years of shared historical identity and development. The name for the cluster of islands—let us call it Bergand—is the name that an inhabitant of any one of the particular islands in the cluster is likely to identity himself by. Bergand has been under British rule for only three centuries. Until the last war, respectable Englishmen thought of Bergand as a source of seamen and servants, and the islands enjoyed—along with many other clusters of people in Britain—the status of a subordinate minority group. These factors making for distinctiveness are, of course, reinforced by the natural barrier of water between the mainland of Britain and the islands. In many ways, then, Berganders form a society unto themselves. 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9e2c6ac1 23 29 7 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter II: Social Order and Social Interaction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a s 03 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a species of social order and can be studied by applying the model of social order to it. The applicability of this model to conversational interaction is suggested below. In this and in other chapters dealing with the conceptual framework, conversation in Western society is assumes as the data for which the framework is to be relevant. 30 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take as a basic model the concept of social order and to analyze concrete behavior by focusing on the ways in which it conforms to and deviates from this model. In the present study, I assume that conversational interactions between concrete persons who are in each other’s immediate presence is a species of social order and can be studied by applying the model of social order to it. The applicability of this model to conversational interaction is suggested below. In this and in other chapters dealing with the conceptual framework, conversation in Western society is assumes as the data for which the framework is to be relevant. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a6e896ec 31 34 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter III: Linguistic Behavior 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 03 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 30 00 In common sense usage, the term “communication” seems to be used chiefly to refer to the transmission of information by means of configurations of language signs, either spoken or written. This kind of sign behavior has certain general characteristics: 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.17a480e0 35 45 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IV: Expressive Behavior 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented 03 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented in the character of his act. The tendency for the character of the actor to overflow into the character of his acts is usually called the expressive aspect of behavior.Behavior which is not expressive may be called instrumental. Instrumental behavior consists of activity which is officially of no value in itself but only of value in so far as it serves as a means to another end. Linguistic communication is a type of instrumental behavior and is officially valued only because it can serve as a means of conveying information. It must be clearly understood that expressive behavior is not a form of instrumental behavior; it is not intended as an admitted means to the end of transmitting information, or, in fact, as a means to any other end. Expressive behavior is not, primarily, rational behavior that can find a place in a voluntaristic means-ends scheme; rather, it is part of the behavioral impulse associated with any act. 30 00 Whenever an individual acts in any way, we can assume that something about him is conveyed, even if it is only the fact that he did not act in a given way. In the style of the act, in the manner in which the act is performed, in the relation of the act to the context in which it occurs—in all these ways something about the actor is presented in the character of his act. The tendency for the character of the actor to overflow into the character of his acts is usually called the expressive aspect of behavior.Behavior which is not expressive may be called instrumental. Instrumental behavior consists of activity which is officially of no value in itself but only of value in so far as it serves as a means to another end. Linguistic communication is a type of instrumental behavior and is officially valued only because it can serve as a means of conveying information. It must be clearly understood that expressive behavior is not a form of instrumental behavior; it is not intended as an admitted means to the end of transmitting information, or, in fact, as a means to any other end. Expressive behavior is not, primarily, rational behavior that can find a place in a voluntaristic means-ends scheme; rather, it is part of the behavioral impulse associated with any act. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a475d25e 46 55 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter V: The Management of Information About Oneself 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general thei 03 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general their likely behavior, and prepare for it. With information or this kind, he can determine how best to shape his own behavior in order to call forth a desired action from others. (The exploitation of the indicated likely response of others to his own behavior is required, of course, whether the actor wishes to please or to displease the others.) With information of this kind, the actor can learn what is expected of him and “where he stands” with respect to the others, helping thus to determine for himself who and what he is. We find, then, a whole complex of ends, any one or more of which may motivate the actor to the same kind of activity, i.e., an effort to find out as much as possible about the persons with whom he interacts. 30 00 In social life, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general their likely behavior, and prepare for it. With information or this kind, he can determine how best to shape his own behavior in order to call forth a desired action from others. (The exploitation of the indicated likely response of others to his own behavior is required, of course, whether the actor wishes to please or to displease the others.) With information of this kind, the actor can learn what is expected of him and “where he stands” with respect to the others, helping thus to determine for himself who and what he is. We find, then, a whole complex of ends, any one or more of which may motivate the actor to the same kind of activity, i.e., an effort to find out as much as possible about the persons with whom he interacts. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.08d178df 56 59 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VI: Indelicate Communication 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon th 03 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon the persons who receive them, this appreciation being guided in turn by the indications that recipients make of the response a proposed line of action will evoke from them. Spontaneous expression of feelings is partly inhibited and appropriate feelings are, in part, conveyed. Accommodation, working acceptance, and tentative harmony are the usual result. If a working acceptance cannot be managed, embarrassment, ill-ease, and confusion are often the result. Withdrawal, conflict, or abrupt alteration in relationships may also occur. In all of these cases, however, the individual knows that he is communicating and knows to whom he is communicating. Although he may be unaware of all that he communicates, he is in a position to exert discretion over a part, at least, of what he conveys, and he is in a position to make use of what he can learn by examining closely the indicated response of recipients to him. If he is not able to exert prior calculation over all that he conveys, he is at least in a position to benefit from a similar incapacity on the part of those who respond to him. Thus, whether we examine cases of working acceptance, withdrawal, conflict, embarrassment, or shift to alternate bases of treatment, we find the general factors of awareness and partial control. 30 00 It was suggested that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon the persons who receive them, this appreciation being guided in turn by the indications that recipients make of the response a proposed line of action will evoke from them. Spontaneous expression of feelings is partly inhibited and appropriate feelings are, in part, conveyed. Accommodation, working acceptance, and tentative harmony are the usual result. If a working acceptance cannot be managed, embarrassment, ill-ease, and confusion are often the result. Withdrawal, conflict, or abrupt alteration in relationships may also occur. In all of these cases, however, the individual knows that he is communicating and knows to whom he is communicating. Although he may be unaware of all that he communicates, he is in a position to exert discretion over a part, at least, of what he conveys, and he is in a position to make use of what he can learn by examining closely the indicated response of recipients to him. If he is not able to exert prior calculation over all that he conveys, he is at least in a position to benefit from a similar incapacity on the part of those who respond to him. Thus, whether we examine cases of working acceptance, withdrawal, conflict, embarrassment, or shift to alternate bases of treatment, we find the general factors of awareness and partial control. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.eba9bbba 60 64 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VII: Sign Situations 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of hims 03 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of himself and his conception of the others present. An embarrassingly rich context of events is available to serve as vehicles for signs of this kind; some of these events are simultaneously part of the task organization in which the persons find themselves, while some of these events serve no explicitly recognized task.When persons are in each other’s presence in a given situation, a definition usually prevails as to how each is to be treated. This definition of the situation is made possible by the fact that each participant possesses known determinants or qualifications which select out for others which of the different possible categories of treatment is to be accorded him. A corollary of this definitional process is that all qualifications which a person possesses which act as selective determinants of treatment in other situations but which are officially denied as irrelevant in the current situation must be ignored. The information which these irrelevant determinants or social characteristics carry may be received, but there is an obligation on the part of the recipient to act as if the information is in no way a determinant or a selector of behavior. This involves, on the part of recipients, suppression of response to information. Further, persons must not bring forth such irrelevant determinants as are not already apparent. 30 00 When persons are in each other’s immediate presence, and especially when they are engaged together in conversational interaction, important informational conditions obtain. Each participant is in a position to convey information about himself both linguistically and expressively, especially information having to do with his conception of himself and his conception of the others present. An embarrassingly rich context of events is available to serve as vehicles for signs of this kind; some of these events are simultaneously part of the task organization in which the persons find themselves, while some of these events serve no explicitly recognized task.When persons are in each other’s presence in a given situation, a definition usually prevails as to how each is to be treated. This definition of the situation is made possible by the fact that each participant possesses known determinants or qualifications which select out for others which of the different possible categories of treatment is to be accorded him. A corollary of this definitional process is that all qualifications which a person possesses which act as selective determinants of treatment in other situations but which are officially denied as irrelevant in the current situation must be ignored. The information which these irrelevant determinants or social characteristics carry may be received, but there is an obligation on the part of the recipient to act as if the information is in no way a determinant or a selector of behavior. This involves, on the part of recipients, suppression of response to information. Further, persons must not bring forth such irrelevant determinants as are not already apparent. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.18454129 66 76 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VIII: Introduction 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information tha 03 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information that is transferred from one place to another is commonly called a message. A message involves a configuration of signs and the transmission of physical carriers, or what have come to be called vehicles, of these signs. We usually think of vehicles as issuing from a sign-source, and we think of vehicles as being impelled form a source with a sign-impulse of given force or intensity, and as being impelled in a particular direction. The process of impulsion is usually called transmission, and arrangement of vehicles for the purpose of transmission is usually called encoding. A physical field in which vehicles of a given kind can be transmitted may be called a medium. We usually think of a medium in reference to the particular type of equipment—human and non-human—which must be employed if the signs transmitted in the medium are to be received. The source of sign-impulse may be called a transmitter and the agency which receives the signs a receiver. It is to be noted that the terms so far defined pertain to the physical aspects of communication, not to the social setting in which communication occurs. 30 00 At this point it seems proper to provide a more systematic statement of some of the assumptions and definitions which underlie some of the terms and usages appearing in the first three parts. At the same time it is also necessary to provide some very elementary definitions as a background for what is to follow.A body of information that is transferred from one place to another is commonly called a message. A message involves a configuration of signs and the transmission of physical carriers, or what have come to be called vehicles, of these signs. We usually think of vehicles as issuing from a sign-source, and we think of vehicles as being impelled form a source with a sign-impulse of given force or intensity, and as being impelled in a particular direction. The process of impulsion is usually called transmission, and arrangement of vehicles for the purpose of transmission is usually called encoding. A physical field in which vehicles of a given kind can be transmitted may be called a medium. We usually think of a medium in reference to the particular type of equipment—human and non-human—which must be employed if the signs transmitted in the medium are to be received. The source of sign-impulse may be called a transmitter and the agency which receives the signs a receiver. It is to be noted that the terms so far defined pertain to the physical aspects of communication, not to the social setting in which communication occurs. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.387f8616 77 82 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IX: Social Occasion 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 03 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 30 00 In Dixon, as, apparently, elsewhere in English-speaking society, the term “social occasion” is often given to events such as a whist-social, a picnic, a public political meeting, etc. When we examine events of this kind, we can isolate a set of common characteristics: 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6c0c9ce2 83 88 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter X: Accredited Participation and Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but do 03 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but does so, and is allowed to do so, with legitimacy; his manner conveys that he is openly and admittedly involved in the conversation and that his presence in the conversation is a proper and justifiable thing.Accredited or legitimated attendance may be thought of as a kind of status. It is perhaps one of the broadest of statuses; persons of extremely discrepant social position can find themselves in a situation where it is fitting to impute it to one another. The status carries the right and the obligation to receive the message at hand, and the status implies the judgment that the participant is worthy and capable of receiving the message. It should be noted that incumbents of the status are obliged to be engaged at that very moment in exercising their status and that the status does not carry over from one period when it is being exercised to another period, as, for example, in the case of occupational statuses. There is no interspersing of times during which the status is exercised with times during which it is latent. 30 00 When two or more persons are engaged in linguistic communication with one another, in Dixon and apparently elsewhere in Western society, there is a tendency for each participant to extend to himself and to all other participants the like privilege of “accredited” attendance. Briefly, each person not only participates in the interaction but does so, and is allowed to do so, with legitimacy; his manner conveys that he is openly and admittedly involved in the conversation and that his presence in the conversation is a proper and justifiable thing.Accredited or legitimated attendance may be thought of as a kind of status. It is perhaps one of the broadest of statuses; persons of extremely discrepant social position can find themselves in a situation where it is fitting to impute it to one another. The status carries the right and the obligation to receive the message at hand, and the status implies the judgment that the participant is worthy and capable of receiving the message. It should be noted that incumbents of the status are obliged to be engaged at that very moment in exercising their status and that the status does not carry over from one period when it is being exercised to another period, as, for example, in the case of occupational statuses. There is no interspersing of times during which the status is exercised with times during which it is latent. 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1dc2eaf1 89 97 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XI: Expression During Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides ma 03 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides many vehicles for carrying information about the judgments participants make of one another. Of course, an event which is well designed to express such evaluations may not come to act in this way, and an event which does come to be expressive in this way may not be employed by anyone as a source of information. Furthermore, a vehicle which commonly carries information of one kind in one culture may carry a different meaning in another culture. In this chapter some of the frequent sources of expression in interplay will be considered. 30 00 In an earlier part of this study, it was suggested that communication, seen as a physical process, provides many events that are well adapted to serve as expressions, witting or unwitting, especially expressions of the evaluative judgment that participants make of one another. As one type of communication arrangement, an interplay provides many vehicles for carrying information about the judgments participants make of one another. Of course, an event which is well designed to express such evaluations may not come to act in this way, and an event which does come to be expressive in this way may not be employed by anyone as a source of information. Furthermore, a vehicle which commonly carries information of one kind in one culture may carry a different meaning in another culture. In this chapter some of the frequent sources of expression in interplay will be considered. 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3bc11117 98 104 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XII: Interchange of Messages 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Sho 03 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Short messages such as words or single sentences apparently have distinctive phonetic features; long messages, such as an uninterrupted thirty-minute talk, seem less neatly describable in phonetic terms. A single natural message may, of course, involve different pieces of information, but these differences are not relevant in terms of this study. 30 00 In terms of the framework of this study, the minimal concrete unit of communication consists of the sign behavior of a sender during the whole period of time through which a focus of attention is continually directed at him. This unit of communication may be called a “natural message,” or, where no confusion is likely, simply a “message.” Short messages such as words or single sentences apparently have distinctive phonetic features; long messages, such as an uninterrupted thirty-minute talk, seem less neatly describable in phonetic terms. A single natural message may, of course, involve different pieces of information, but these differences are not relevant in terms of this study. 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.05fe323e 105 113 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIII: Polite Interchanges 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick pe 03 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick person. When a person of any age has a birthday, the occasion will usually be marked by a party held for upwards of fifteen people; the immediate family, favorite relations and neighbors, and close friends. Invited persons all show their regard by bringing gifts. When a couple marries, a hundred or more persons will usually attend the wedding party held in the community hall, and many gifts will be given. When someone dies, males who are immediate neighbors, friends, and close relations will accompany the body to the burial ground. There are many other ceremonies of a similar kind. The islanders account for the ceremonial concern they show to one another by saying by saying that nothing much happens on the island so that persons are forced to turn to themselves as topics of conversation and as excuses to congregate. In any case, the ceremony seem to confirm a change in status of one or a few of the community’s members, or to reaffirm community support of a member who is injured. 30 00 In Dixon, as apparently in other Bergand communities, there are many occasions when persons make a special effort to show respect and concern for each other. If a person become sick, neighbors offer to help out, and all the adult members of the community will make a point of asking anyone who might know about the current status of the sick person. When a person of any age has a birthday, the occasion will usually be marked by a party held for upwards of fifteen people; the immediate family, favorite relations and neighbors, and close friends. Invited persons all show their regard by bringing gifts. When a couple marries, a hundred or more persons will usually attend the wedding party held in the community hall, and many gifts will be given. When someone dies, males who are immediate neighbors, friends, and close relations will accompany the body to the burial ground. There are many other ceremonies of a similar kind. The islanders account for the ceremonial concern they show to one another by saying by saying that nothing much happens on the island so that persons are forced to turn to themselves as topics of conversation and as excuses to congregate. In any case, the ceremony seem to confirm a change in status of one or a few of the community’s members, or to reaffirm community support of a member who is injured. 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.03040491 114 118 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIV: The Organization of Attention 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of 03 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of the listeners upon the speaker. The initiation and maintenance of this organized attention, the transfer of it from one speaker to another, and its final dissolution all involve problems in attention management. 30 00 We have considered the interplay and some of the units of interaction which may occur within it once accredited participation has been established. Let us now return to consider some of the structural characteristics of interplay as such.It has been suggested that an interplay characteristically involves a focussing of the attention of the listeners upon the speaker. The initiation and maintenance of this organized attention, the transfer of it from one speaker to another, and its final dissolution all involve problems in attention management. 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.e0092c28 119 124 6 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XV: Safe Supplies 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected 03 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected to behave in a decorous manner, giving appropriate consideration to the presence of others. The requirements of decorous behavior, in our society and in others, will not be considered here. In the realm of directed communication—for example, conversation—the individual must assume that both his messages and his behavior as a recipient will be expected to contribute to the maintenance of the working acceptance.Once individuals have extended accredited participant status to one another and have plunged into conversation, then it is necessary to sustain a continuous flow of messages until an inoffensive occasion presents itself for terminating the interplay. It appears that some persons can be so distantly related to one another that very little pretext may be needed to break off conversation and relapse into silence, and that some persons can be so intimately related to one another that on many occasions they can assume that no offense will be given when conversation lapses. It also seems that a wide range of social distance and of situations exists between these two extremes where a fairly good excuse is needed before conversation can safely lapse. 30 00 When an individual enters the perceptual range of others, a kind of responsibility is placed upon him. Normally he must assume that his behavior will be observed and that it will be interpreted as an expression of the attitude he has toward those who observe him. In the realm of undirected communication, this implies that he will be expected to behave in a decorous manner, giving appropriate consideration to the presence of others. The requirements of decorous behavior, in our society and in others, will not be considered here. In the realm of directed communication—for example, conversation—the individual must assume that both his messages and his behavior as a recipient will be expected to contribute to the maintenance of the working acceptance.Once individuals have extended accredited participant status to one another and have plunged into conversation, then it is necessary to sustain a continuous flow of messages until an inoffensive occasion presents itself for terminating the interplay. It appears that some persons can be so distantly related to one another that very little pretext may be needed to break off conversation and relapse into silence, and that some persons can be so intimately related to one another that on many occasions they can assume that no offense will be given when conversation lapses. It also seems that a wide range of social distance and of situations exists between these two extremes where a fairly good excuse is needed before conversation can safely lapse. 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6427827e 125 131 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVI: On Kinds of Exclusion from Participation 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an o 03 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an otherwise deserted road or in an otherwise empty room, or when all the persons in a hall are being addressed by a speaker. When all the persons who are in reception range of an interplay are also accredited participants in it, we shall speak of physical closure.When four or more persons are together in the same bounded region, they may separate off into more than one cluster or grouping, with each cluster maintaining a separate and distinct interplay. If the size of the region is great enough relative to the number of persons in it, it is possible for voices to be modulated downward and for the space of the region to be apportioned so that each interplay in the region is physically closed. This guarantees that no interplay will either be overheard by unaccredited recipients or be a disturbance for other interplays in the region. The same effect is sometimes approximated when the sound intensity of voices is modulated upwards so that the reception of a particular interplay is jammed for all persons not in the interplay. This kind of communication arrangement is found in crowded pubs and bars, and on streets where the noise level is high. 30 00 In Chapter VIII the phrase “in range” was used to describe the position of anyone who was within the zone in which reception of a given impulse was possible. In many cases, all those who are in range of a particular communication are also its accredited recipients. This is true, for example, when two persons stop to talk to each other on an otherwise deserted road or in an otherwise empty room, or when all the persons in a hall are being addressed by a speaker. When all the persons who are in reception range of an interplay are also accredited participants in it, we shall speak of physical closure.When four or more persons are together in the same bounded region, they may separate off into more than one cluster or grouping, with each cluster maintaining a separate and distinct interplay. If the size of the region is great enough relative to the number of persons in it, it is possible for voices to be modulated downward and for the space of the region to be apportioned so that each interplay in the region is physically closed. This guarantees that no interplay will either be overheard by unaccredited recipients or be a disturbance for other interplays in the region. The same effect is sometimes approximated when the sound intensity of voices is modulated upwards so that the reception of a particular interplay is jammed for all persons not in the interplay. This kind of communication arrangement is found in crowded pubs and bars, and on streets where the noise level is high. 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a7731302 132 137 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVII: Dual Participation 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participan 03 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participants and leave the interplay, temporarily or permanently. This kind of departure is a well-designed sign vehicle for conveying a negative valuation of the participants who remain in the interplay. Departure may thus create a sign situation. A participant who wants to leave an interplay therefore tends to wait for a moment that is opportune—a natural break, as it were—so that the expressive implications of his departure will be minimized. He also tends to offer excuses to the remaining participants, so that a natural interpretation can be placed upon his departure. If he leaves momentarily to fix the lights, close the door, or do any or the other minor acts which help to maintain the region in order, he usually shows by his proximity to the disturbance or by his official role (e.g., as host) in these matters, that his momentary departure is not a personal reflection upon the interplay. 30 00 In the previous chapter, consideration was given to the ways in which persons may be excluded from an interplay. We now consider ways in which persons who are accredited participants may withdraw from an interplay.During an interplay it is not uncommon for a participant to move away from the spatial region enclosed by his co-participants and leave the interplay, temporarily or permanently. This kind of departure is a well-designed sign vehicle for conveying a negative valuation of the participants who remain in the interplay. Departure may thus create a sign situation. A participant who wants to leave an interplay therefore tends to wait for a moment that is opportune—a natural break, as it were—so that the expressive implications of his departure will be minimized. He also tends to offer excuses to the remaining participants, so that a natural interpretation can be placed upon his departure. If he leaves momentarily to fix the lights, close the door, or do any or the other minor acts which help to maintain the region in order, he usually shows by his proximity to the disturbance or by his official role (e.g., as host) in these matters, that his momentary departure is not a personal reflection upon the interplay. 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.db30da51 139 140 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XVIII: Introduction: Euphoric and Dysphoric Interplay 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When 03 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When these conditions are present, we may say that the interaction is euphoric. To the degree that those present have been made to feel ill at ease, we may say that the interaction is dysphoric. In this study we are concerned with euphoric and dysphoric interaction only in cases where those present to each other are also involved in accredited directed communication with one another, i.e., in interplay. (It is to be clearly understood that many interesting false notes arise among persons who are engaged only in undirected communication with each other.)In Dixon, the specific requirements for euphoric interplay seem to be very subtle and complex. So delicate a balance seems to be required of factors potentially opposed to each other that it is a wonder any interplay at all is completely euphoric. 30 00 When persons are in each other’s presence, it is possible that no one will be made to feel ill at ease, out of countenance, nonplussed, self-conscious, embarrassed, or out of place because of the sheer presence of the others or because of the actions of the others. No one will have the feeling that there is a false note in the situation. When these conditions are present, we may say that the interaction is euphoric. To the degree that those present have been made to feel ill at ease, we may say that the interaction is dysphoric. In this study we are concerned with euphoric and dysphoric interaction only in cases where those present to each other are also involved in accredited directed communication with one another, i.e., in interplay. (It is to be clearly understood that many interesting false notes arise among persons who are engaged only in undirected communication with each other.)In Dixon, the specific requirements for euphoric interplay seem to be very subtle and complex. So delicate a balance seems to be required of factors potentially opposed to each other that it is a wonder any interplay at all is completely euphoric. 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.f205f188 141 147 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XIX: Involvement 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay— 03 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay—that they have mobilized themselves for the interplay and have been carried away by it.In stating that participants of any euphoric interplay must become caught up in the interplay, it must be clearly added that the required level of involvement varies from interplay to interplay. Thus, when a housewife in Dixon is going about her daily domestic tasks in the presence of her immediate family, it is possible for her to flit in and out of euphoric interplay while practically all her attention and interest is patently accorded to the pots on the stove or the bannocks in the oven. Were she talking to the gentry or the minister, however, such casual involvement would be considered an affront, and a more focussed orientation to the conversation would be required. 30 00 It has been suggested that euphoric interplay occurs when no participant is dislodged, as it were, from a proper degree of unselfconscious immersion in the interplay. This, of course, assumes that the participants are involved in the first place, that is, that they have to a degree cut themselves off from all things external to the interplay—that they have mobilized themselves for the interplay and have been carried away by it.In stating that participants of any euphoric interplay must become caught up in the interplay, it must be clearly added that the required level of involvement varies from interplay to interplay. Thus, when a housewife in Dixon is going about her daily domestic tasks in the presence of her immediate family, it is possible for her to flit in and out of euphoric interplay while practically all her attention and interest is patently accorded to the pots on the stove or the bannocks in the oven. Were she talking to the gentry or the minister, however, such casual involvement would be considered an affront, and a more focussed orientation to the conversation would be required. 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.549348f7 148 155 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XX: Faulty Persons 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with 03 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with them, the interaction may be said to be dysphoric. The perception by one participant that another is insufficiently involved or that (as will be considered later) he is too much involved, may itself serve to make the perceiver feel ill at ease and must be considered along with the the other factors that can make a participant lose his spontaneous involvement in an interplay. So too, the perception by yet another participant that someone has perceived an offender may throw this second perceiver out of tune with the interaction. In these cases embarrassment seems to be a contagious and regenerative thing, feeding on itself, spreading from one participant to another, and from him to still others, in ever widening circles of discomfiture. 30 00 It has been suggested that when all the participants in an interplay are sufficiently “caught up” or spontaneously involved in the proceedings, the interaction may be characterized as euphoric. To the degree that participants fail to become sufficiently involved, because of too little concern with the proceedings or too much self-concern with them, the interaction may be said to be dysphoric. The perception by one participant that another is insufficiently involved or that (as will be considered later) he is too much involved, may itself serve to make the perceiver feel ill at ease and must be considered along with the the other factors that can make a participant lose his spontaneous involvement in an interplay. So too, the perception by yet another participant that someone has perceived an offender may throw this second perceiver out of tune with the interaction. In these cases embarrassment seems to be a contagious and regenerative thing, feeding on itself, spreading from one participant to another, and from him to still others, in ever widening circles of discomfiture. 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9990e006 156 170 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXI: Involvement Poise 02 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them 03 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them aside for a time and act in terms of others. A neighbor or relation who came to help with the harvest would expect to be accorded a few ceremonial gestures at the beginning and end of the day’s efforts, but during the work he would take his place alongside members of the immediate family and any paid help, and tactfully restrict himself to the role of a worker. At a community social, the oldest and youngest persons present might dance together, a woman seventy and a boy of ten, and while they and the others would joke a little about this, during most of the dance the couple would simply in the capacity of dancers.We have considered the fact that during euphoric interplay participants express immediate involvement—and immersion, as it were—in the proceedings of the interplay. It must be carefully stated, however, that while participants regularly expressed unthinking involvement in the proceedings, it was felt that there ought to be a definite limit to this involvement, and participants made quite sure to express or feign that this limit existed. 30 00 During interplay in Dixon, participants tended to set aside such of their attributes and qualifications as were considered irrelevant and to interact chiefly on the basis of rights and obligations felt to be relevant. Persons expressed in this way that they were not so bound and tied by their social roles that they could not set some of them aside for a time and act in terms of others. A neighbor or relation who came to help with the harvest would expect to be accorded a few ceremonial gestures at the beginning and end of the day’s efforts, but during the work he would take his place alongside members of the immediate family and any paid help, and tactfully restrict himself to the role of a worker. At a community social, the oldest and youngest persons present might dance together, a woman seventy and a boy of ten, and while they and the others would joke a little about this, during most of the dance the couple would simply in the capacity of dancers.We have considered the fact that during euphoric interplay participants express immediate involvement—and immersion, as it were—in the proceedings of the interplay. It must be carefully stated, however, that while participants regularly expressed unthinking involvement in the proceedings, it was felt that there ought to be a definite limit to this involvement, and participants made quite sure to express or feign that this limit existed. 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1d9cdcca 171 189 19 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXII: On Projected Selves 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his concept 03 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his conception of himself and his conception of the others present, and every one of his words and gestures may be taken by others as an expression of these conceptions. The individual may, of course, attempt to conceal this expression or actually may not (even unconsciously) make use of opportunities for it, but in any case the others will assume that his behavior expresses his valuation of himself and them. It will therefore be advisable for the individual to take account of the possible interpretations that might be placed upon his behavior, regardless of which, if any, interpretation he thinks is correct.When persons come together for purposes of interplay, each brings expectations as to the rights and obligations he will enjoy, and, by implication, a conception of himself which he expects the interplay will sustain. He also brings a familiarity with the treatment that ought to be accorded certain categories of persons and sufficient familiarity with symbols of status to hurriedly place those he meets into such social categories. And if the participants happen to know, or know of, one another, then, as Bales suggests, each participant may become, for the others, someone whose “… past actions and identity are remembered, including what he ‘has done’ prior to his entrance into the group and what he ’is’ outside the present in-group, and are attributed to him in the present as a part of his total significance.” In other words, each participant brings to the interplay a preliminary state of social information. 30 00 Throughout this study it has been suggested that when islanders participate together in an interplay, countless events become available for aptly expressing the attitudes of the participants, especially the attitudes they have towards themselves and towards fellow-participants. With every word and gesture, a participant can convey his conception of himself and his conception of the others present, and every one of his words and gestures may be taken by others as an expression of these conceptions. The individual may, of course, attempt to conceal this expression or actually may not (even unconsciously) make use of opportunities for it, but in any case the others will assume that his behavior expresses his valuation of himself and them. It will therefore be advisable for the individual to take account of the possible interpretations that might be placed upon his behavior, regardless of which, if any, interpretation he thinks is correct.When persons come together for purposes of interplay, each brings expectations as to the rights and obligations he will enjoy, and, by implication, a conception of himself which he expects the interplay will sustain. He also brings a familiarity with the treatment that ought to be accorded certain categories of persons and sufficient familiarity with symbols of status to hurriedly place those he meets into such social categories. And if the participants happen to know, or know of, one another, then, as Bales suggests, each participant may become, for the others, someone whose “… past actions and identity are remembered, including what he ‘has done’ prior to his entrance into the group and what he ’is’ outside the present in-group, and are attributed to him in the present as a part of his total significance.” In other words, each participant brings to the interplay a preliminary state of social information. 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ba0f8e35 190 197 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter XXIII: The Management of Projected Selves 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not be 03 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not been or is no longer spontaneously accepted—whether this realization comes to the person whose projected self is not accepted or to the others—is likely to heighten the dysphoria.During interplay in Dixon, individuals exercise tact or social strategies in order to maintain interactional euphoria. Some of these strategies are preventive, serving to avoid threats to the interplay; some are corrective, serving to compensate for dangers that have not been successfully avoided. These strategies may be employed by the individual causing the disturbance (if, in fact, it is felt that some one person in particular is at fault) or by individuals for whom such a disturbance is caused. When these strategies are successfully employed, social harmony in the interactional order is maintained or restored. Of course, a person who acts in such a way as to contribute to the euphoria in an interplay may act from many different motives and intentions. Some typical strategies are reviewed here, illustrations being provided for a few of them. 30 00 During interplay, events may occur which make it difficult for participants to accept in an unthinking way the self projected by someone among them, or to continue to accept a projected self which they had initially accepted in this way. On such occasions dysphoria is likely to occur. The conscious realization that a projected self has not been or is no longer spontaneously accepted—whether this realization comes to the person whose projected self is not accepted or to the others—is likely to heighten the dysphoria.During interplay in Dixon, individuals exercise tact or social strategies in order to maintain interactional euphoria. Some of these strategies are preventive, serving to avoid threats to the interplay; some are corrective, serving to compensate for dangers that have not been successfully avoided. These strategies may be employed by the individual causing the disturbance (if, in fact, it is felt that some one person in particular is at fault) or by individuals for whom such a disturbance is caused. When these strategies are successfully employed, social harmony in the interactional order is maintained or restored. Of course, a person who acts in such a way as to contribute to the euphoria in an interplay may act from many different motives and intentions. Some typical strategies are reviewed here, illustrations being provided for a few of them. 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9912a480 198 209 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Interpretations and Conclusions 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social n 03 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social norms. These norms are ultimate social values, differing from other kinds of ultimate values in that they do not function as goals and objectives that are striven for but function, rather, as a guide for action and conduct, often establishing a kind of outer and inner limit to the range of activity that is permissible and desirable in the pursuance of a goal. Norms do not provide means and ends but criteria for making choices among them. 30 00 In the study of social life, it is common to take the concept of social order as central and to analyze concrete behavior in terms of the way it conforms to and departs from this model. It is in this sociological perspective that communication has been studied here.Underlying each kind of social order we find a relevant set of social norms. These norms are ultimate social values, differing from other kinds of ultimate values in that they do not function as goals and objectives that are striven for but function, rather, as a guide for action and conduct, often establishing a kind of outer and inner limit to the range of activity that is permissible and desirable in the pursuance of a goal. Norms do not provide means and ends but criteria for making choices among them. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/communication-conduct-in-an-island-community Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20221207 Winkin, Yves 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399153 03 9781951399153 06 15 9781951399078 03 9781951399078 06 15 9781951399108 03 9781951399108 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.google.com/books?id=GfChEAAAQBAJ&newbks=0&hl=en&source=newbks_fb 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.google.com/books/download/Communication_Conduct_in_an_Island_Commu.epub?id=GfChEAAAQBAJ&output=epub 20 08 20221207 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=GfChEAAAQBAJ&pli=1 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=GfChEAAAQBAJ&pg=GBS.PR7.w.1.0.0&hl=en 20 08 20221207 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/communication-conduct-in-an-island-community 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/ccic1.0/goffman-1953-communication-conduct.epub 20 08 20221207 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6445124856 20 08 20221207 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=GfChEAAAQBAJ&pli=1 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.baaa50af.epub 20 08 20221207 01 urn:uuid:1c4a4e92-ea4f-4a79-a26e-849305d13e01 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:97de7f92-1284-438d-bdd3-e9781577db28 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:1c4a4e92-ea4f-4a79-a26e-849305d13e01 15 9781951399146 03 9781951399146 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.60b97b6f 13 2023933419 23 2023933419 00 BC 10 01 229 mm 01 22.9 cm 01 9.02 in 02 177 mm 02 17.7 cm 02 6.97 in 03 9 mm 03 0.9 cm 03 0.35 in 08 312 gr 08 11 oz Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 4 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Creativity: Process and Personality 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California Larry Gross is Professor of Communication at the Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism at the University of Southern California. 01 eng 00 142 03 93 JMAN 12 JMAN 10 PSY034000 93 JMS 12 JMS 10 PSY015000 93 GTB 12 PDX 10 PSY023000 01 06 02 00 Creativity: Process and Personality, a 1964 thesis published for the first time, features interviews on creativity with prominent psychologists, including B. F. Skinner, Herbert Simon, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and Milton Rokeach. 03 00 Before arriving in the field of communication, Larry Gross was a psychology student at Brandeis University; Creativity: Process and Personality was Gross’s undergraduate thesis at Brandeis, completed in 1964. This mediastudies.press edition is the initial publication of that undergraduate thesis, with a new preface by Gross himself. Creativity: Process and Personality finds Gross exploring the nature of creativity by interviewing some of the era’s most noteworthy experts in psychology, including Herbert Simon, Milton Rokeach, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and B. F. Skinner. The result of Gross’s interviews is a nuanced and multi-perspectival set of interlocking chapters, each of which probes the psychological, social, and cultural aspects of creativity. Creativity: Process and Personality remains a provocative consideration of how creativity takes form, while also operating as a revealing snapshot of mid-twentieth century psychological thought. 30 00 Before arriving in the field of communication, Larry Gross was a psychology student at Brandeis University; Creativity: Process and Personality was Gross’s undergraduate thesis at Brandeis, completed in 1964. This mediastudies.press edition is the initial publication of that undergraduate thesis, with a new preface by Gross himself. Creativity: Process and Personality finds Gross exploring the nature of creativity by interviewing some of the era’s most noteworthy experts in psychology, including Herbert Simon, Milton Rokeach, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and B. F. Skinner. The result of Gross’s interviews is a nuanced and multi-perspectival set of interlocking chapters, each of which probes the psychological, social, and cultural aspects of creativity. Creativity: Process and Personality remains a provocative consideration of how creativity takes form, while also operating as a revealing snapshot of mid-twentieth century psychological thought. 04 00 PREFACE TO THE MEDIASTUDIES.PRESS EDITION v Larry Gross PREFACE ix Larry Gross CHAPTER I: DEFINITION: CREATIVITY: PROCESS, PERSONALITY 2 Larry Gross CHAPTER II: STRUCTURE OF INVESTIGATION 10 Larry Gross CHAPTER III: HERBERT A. SIMON: HOW DO PEOPLE MAKE DECISIONS? 13 Larry Gross CHAPTER IV: MILTON ROKEACH: HOW DO PEOPLE BELIEVE? 30 Larry Gross CHAPTER V: ABRAHAM H. MASLOW: THE MYSTERY OF HEALTH 52 Larry Gross CHAPTER VI: DAVID C. MCCLELLAND: THE NEED TO ACHIEVE 72 Larry Gross CHAPTER VII: JEROME S. BRUNER: THINKING, LEARNING, KNOWING 89 Larry Gross CHAPTER VIII: B. F. SKINNER: THE SCIENCE OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR 100 Larry Gross CHAPTER IX: CONCLUSION: A PLURALISTIC VIEW 111 Larry Gross 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.60b97b6f_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ae80b8b7 v viii 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended 03 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended up being my adviser and mentor, until his untimely death at the age of 62, in 1970.My primary interests as an undergraduate were psychology and art history, although I was also able to take advantage of the remarkable faculty then assembled at Brandeis across a wide range of fields. The psychology department, which Maslow had built and chaired for many years, was unusual for the period in not adhering to the then-dominant behaviorist school and I was exposed to theories of child development, personality, and perception, as well as the still controversial area of cognitive psychology. 30 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended up being my adviser and mentor, until his untimely death at the age of 62, in 1970.My primary interests as an undergraduate were psychology and art history, although I was also able to take advantage of the remarkable faculty then assembled at Brandeis across a wide range of fields. The psychology department, which Maslow had built and chaired for many years, was unusual for the period in not adhering to the then-dominant behaviorist school and I was exposed to theories of child development, personality, and perception, as well as the still controversial area of cognitive psychology. 20 00 Open Access Larry Gross 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2fbb1544 ix x 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the 03 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the process, and that they tended to be either very broad or even when they were detailed it was usually in a factor-analytical, statistical way. The common approach seemed to be to choose a sample and give them a battery of tests, and then to isolate the important variables of the creative personality, which turned out to be pretty common-sensical at that.What I decided to attempt was firstly to find some ground between the broad and superficial and the sort of detail possible only in a type of study that was beyond my capability and resources. Secondly, I was interested in investigating the interrelations of the creative process and the creative personality, in the production of clearly identifiable creative products. And I decided to do this in the form of case-studies. To make it even more involved, I determined to choose psychologists who had produced products of recognized creative merit. This was so that I could feel reasonably acquainted and familiar with the nature of their products. As it happened, they were all psychologists with some definite views on the creative process, so I was attempting a creative study of psychologists involved in creative study of creativity. 30 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the process, and that they tended to be either very broad or even when they were detailed it was usually in a factor-analytical, statistical way. The common approach seemed to be to choose a sample and give them a battery of tests, and then to isolate the important variables of the creative personality, which turned out to be pretty common-sensical at that.What I decided to attempt was firstly to find some ground between the broad and superficial and the sort of detail possible only in a type of study that was beyond my capability and resources. Secondly, I was interested in investigating the interrelations of the creative process and the creative personality, in the production of clearly identifiable creative products. And I decided to do this in the form of case-studies. To make it even more involved, I determined to choose psychologists who had produced products of recognized creative merit. This was so that I could feel reasonably acquainted and familiar with the nature of their products. As it happened, they were all psychologists with some definite views on the creative process, so I was attempting a creative study of psychologists involved in creative study of creativity. 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.51961e55 2 9 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter I: Definition: Creativity: Process, Personality 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process tha 03 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process that produces them is termed the “creative process” and is viewed as a distinct cognitive process, often involving distinct perceptual processes. A typical definition might be, then: “Creativity is that process which results in a novel work that is accepted as tenable or useful or satisfying by a group at some point in time.” 30 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process that produces them is termed the “creative process” and is viewed as a distinct cognitive process, often involving distinct perceptual processes. A typical definition might be, then: “Creativity is that process which results in a novel work that is accepted as tenable or useful or satisfying by a group at some point in time.” 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4d7a2daf 10 12 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter II: Structure of Investigation 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-end 03 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-ended manner. Each topic-heading was meant to suggest an area of potential interest, those which the subject felt to be relevant he would discuss. The outline also contained possible specific responses, but here, also, the suggestion was that the subject might indicate only those which he felt to be applicable. It was inevitable, in such an interview, that there would be over-lapping areas, but, by and large, the topics tended to remain discrete. Naturally not all of the subjects responded to all of the headings and not in the same detail. For one thing, due to external circumstances, the interviews varied in length from over 4 hours to 1 hour. For this reason, some of the interviews are more complete in one aspect, others in another aspect. On the whole, however, they cover the full range to a fair extent. The actual outline, as it was presented to the subjects (except in the case of Herbert Simon, that interview having been more of a pilot study), is as follows: 30 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-ended manner. Each topic-heading was meant to suggest an area of potential interest, those which the subject felt to be relevant he would discuss. The outline also contained possible specific responses, but here, also, the suggestion was that the subject might indicate only those which he felt to be applicable. It was inevitable, in such an interview, that there would be over-lapping areas, but, by and large, the topics tended to remain discrete. Naturally not all of the subjects responded to all of the headings and not in the same detail. For one thing, due to external circumstances, the interviews varied in length from over 4 hours to 1 hour. For this reason, some of the interviews are more complete in one aspect, others in another aspect. On the whole, however, they cover the full range to a fair extent. The actual outline, as it was presented to the subjects (except in the case of Herbert Simon, that interview having been more of a pilot study), is as follows: 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.141d414b 13 29 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter III: Herbert A. Simon: How do People Make Decisions? 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 03 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 1/2 hours, of which 4 1/2 hours are recorded on tape. At that time the research project was in its planning stage and this first interview served as a pilot study. It was only after this interview that the outline-structure presented in Chapter II was developed, partly on the basis of this first experience. However, the structure of that interview was fairly similar to the later outline. The main difference was that, while the main headings were the same, there was more emphasis on the production of the specific products discussed and on the preparatory processes (especially education) than on the motivational and personality factors. For that reason the case-study that follows will be more detailed in some areas and practically blank in others. In many ways it is better than the others, mainly due to the time available and to the ability of the subject to recollect relevant details. 30 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 1/2 hours, of which 4 1/2 hours are recorded on tape. At that time the research project was in its planning stage and this first interview served as a pilot study. It was only after this interview that the outline-structure presented in Chapter II was developed, partly on the basis of this first experience. However, the structure of that interview was fairly similar to the later outline. The main difference was that, while the main headings were the same, there was more emphasis on the production of the specific products discussed and on the preparatory processes (especially education) than on the motivational and personality factors. For that reason the case-study that follows will be more detailed in some areas and practically blank in others. In many ways it is better than the others, mainly due to the time available and to the ability of the subject to recollect relevant details. 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6f681587 30 51 22 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IV: Milton Rokeach: How do People Believe? 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central th 03 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central theme that runs in almost musical fashion as a leitmotif through his life and professional career. It is a theme that is first introduced in the recounting of his childhood, while variations upon it recur in all the subsequent phases of the discussion. This theme, as in the case of Simon, can best be phrased as a question, “How do people believe? What is the nature of human beliefs?”Milton Rokeach, at 45 one of the youngest of the subjects in this research, is professor of psychology at Michigan State University. He is best known for his book The Open and Closed Mind (). He has also written articles, a monograph, and a second book The Three Christs of Ypsilanti. I interviewed him on August 21, 1963, in East Lansing, Michigan; the interview lasted four hours on tape, although during the two days I was there, there was more, unrecorded, discussion which I shall draw upon in this case study. The interview was conducted according to the outline given in Chapter II above, and the presentation will, by and large, follow that format. 30 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central theme that runs in almost musical fashion as a leitmotif through his life and professional career. It is a theme that is first introduced in the recounting of his childhood, while variations upon it recur in all the subsequent phases of the discussion. This theme, as in the case of Simon, can best be phrased as a question, “How do people believe? What is the nature of human beliefs?”Milton Rokeach, at 45 one of the youngest of the subjects in this research, is professor of psychology at Michigan State University. He is best known for his book The Open and Closed Mind (). He has also written articles, a monograph, and a second book The Three Christs of Ypsilanti. I interviewed him on August 21, 1963, in East Lansing, Michigan; the interview lasted four hours on tape, although during the two days I was there, there was more, unrecorded, discussion which I shall draw upon in this case study. The interview was conducted according to the outline given in Chapter II above, and the presentation will, by and large, follow that format. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.afc82b6e 52 71 20 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter V: Abraham H. Maslow: The Mystery of Health 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly sti 03 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly stimulated by contact with Abraham Maslow as advisor, teacher and writer. While I think it is accurate to say that the outline which guided the interview was my work, as was the definition of creativity I am using as a vade mecum, his influence certainly extends to these as well. However, it is my belief that this did not create any real difficulties in preparing the case-study.The interview used for this study took place in two parts. The first, on August 8, 1963, lasted two hours and dealt with sections I and II of the outline (cf. Chapter II); the second, on October 11, 1963, also 2 hours, dealt with sections III, IV and V. In the preparation of this study I am using, besides the recorded interviews, information from writings and other personal communications. 30 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly stimulated by contact with Abraham Maslow as advisor, teacher and writer. While I think it is accurate to say that the outline which guided the interview was my work, as was the definition of creativity I am using as a vade mecum, his influence certainly extends to these as well. However, it is my belief that this did not create any real difficulties in preparing the case-study.The interview used for this study took place in two parts. The first, on August 8, 1963, lasted two hours and dealt with sections I and II of the outline (cf. Chapter II); the second, on October 11, 1963, also 2 hours, dealt with sections III, IV and V. In the preparation of this study I am using, besides the recorded interviews, information from writings and other personal communications. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.b5f44d8f 72 88 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VI: David C. McClelland: The Need to Achieve 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and mo 03 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. 30 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.56054571 89 99 21 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VII: Jerome S. Bruner: Thinking, Learning, Knowing 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the 03 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the youngest men to attain the rank of professor of Psychology. His considerable productivity has been in the areas of propaganda analysis, opinion analysis, perception, thinking and concept attainment, learning and the process of education. In his case, as in McClelland’s, there is no immediately identifiable central, paradigmatic question unifying his research; and this is one of the problems we shall be taking up in the following study. He has written many articles, and, alone or in collaboration, four books. Also, like McClelland, he has been a more frequent participant than the other subjects, in administrative and advisory activities. He is currently President of the New England Psychological Association, and President-Elect of the American Psychological Association. 30 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the youngest men to attain the rank of professor of Psychology. His considerable productivity has been in the areas of propaganda analysis, opinion analysis, perception, thinking and concept attainment, learning and the process of education. In his case, as in McClelland’s, there is no immediately identifiable central, paradigmatic question unifying his research; and this is one of the problems we shall be taking up in the following study. He has written many articles, and, alone or in collaboration, four books. Also, like McClelland, he has been a more frequent participant than the other subjects, in administrative and advisory activities. He is currently President of the New England Psychological Association, and President-Elect of the American Psychological Association. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.d2015cef 100 110 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VIII: B. F. Skinner: The Science of Human Behavior 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to 03 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to his. Although working within a pre-existing framework, Skinner has changed the nature of this very framework in very significant ways. Pavlov was the ancestor, and Watson the father of Skinnerian Behaviorism, but in the final analysis, the system as it stands is his. Professor of Psychology at Harvard University, Skinner has promulgated his position through five books, ranging from methodological description to Utopian speculation (his novel, Walden Two () is the only fiction written, to my knowledge, by a prominent contemporary psychologist), and numerous articles. He has also made significant methodological innovations. Many psychologists may not like his work, but they ignore it at their peril. More than any of the other subjects, except perhaps Maslow, Skinner is a theorist about whom one cannot be neutral. 30 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to his. Although working within a pre-existing framework, Skinner has changed the nature of this very framework in very significant ways. Pavlov was the ancestor, and Watson the father of Skinnerian Behaviorism, but in the final analysis, the system as it stands is his. Professor of Psychology at Harvard University, Skinner has promulgated his position through five books, ranging from methodological description to Utopian speculation (his novel, Walden Two () is the only fiction written, to my knowledge, by a prominent contemporary psychologist), and numerous articles. He has also made significant methodological innovations. Many psychologists may not like his work, but they ignore it at their peril. More than any of the other subjects, except perhaps Maslow, Skinner is a theorist about whom one cannot be neutral. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b408d77 111 126 16 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IX: Conclusion: A Pluralistic View 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to 03 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to me as a whole is of the variety, the pluralism of backgrounds, development, personality and research interests and activities. But, along with this, and equally important, I feel that there is a possibility for finding some common characteristics, structural if not contentual [sic], which might be relevant to the creative personality and process. 30 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to me as a whole is of the variety, the pluralism of backgrounds, development, personality and research interests and activities. But, along with this, and equally important, I feel that there is a possibility for finding some common characteristics, structural if not contentual [sic], which might be relevant to the creative personality and process. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/creativity Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20230115 Larry Gross 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399115 03 9781951399115 06 15 9781951399122 03 9781951399122 06 15 9781951399139 03 9781951399139 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399145 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399145 20 08 20230115 02 10.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:c7b6bfdd-7476-47bc-bdc4-e756c0beea0e 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:97de7f92-1284-438d-bdd3-e9781577db28 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:c7b6bfdd-7476-47bc-bdc4-e756c0beea0e 15 9781951399115 03 9781951399115 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.60b97b6f 13 2023933419 23 2023933419 00 EB E107 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 4 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Creativity: Process and Personality 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California Larry Gross is Professor of Communication at the Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism at the University of Southern California. 01 eng 00 142 03 93 JMAN 12 JMAN 10 PSY034000 93 JMS 12 JMS 10 PSY015000 93 GTB 12 PDX 10 PSY023000 01 06 02 00 Creativity: Process and Personality, a 1964 thesis published for the first time, features interviews on creativity with prominent psychologists, including B. F. Skinner, Herbert Simon, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and Milton Rokeach. 03 00 Before arriving in the field of communication, Larry Gross was a psychology student at Brandeis University; Creativity: Process and Personality was Gross’s undergraduate thesis at Brandeis, completed in 1964. This mediastudies.press edition is the initial publication of that undergraduate thesis, with a new preface by Gross himself. Creativity: Process and Personality finds Gross exploring the nature of creativity by interviewing some of the era’s most noteworthy experts in psychology, including Herbert Simon, Milton Rokeach, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and B. F. Skinner. The result of Gross’s interviews is a nuanced and multi-perspectival set of interlocking chapters, each of which probes the psychological, social, and cultural aspects of creativity. Creativity: Process and Personality remains a provocative consideration of how creativity takes form, while also operating as a revealing snapshot of mid-twentieth century psychological thought. 30 00 Before arriving in the field of communication, Larry Gross was a psychology student at Brandeis University; Creativity: Process and Personality was Gross’s undergraduate thesis at Brandeis, completed in 1964. This mediastudies.press edition is the initial publication of that undergraduate thesis, with a new preface by Gross himself. Creativity: Process and Personality finds Gross exploring the nature of creativity by interviewing some of the era’s most noteworthy experts in psychology, including Herbert Simon, Milton Rokeach, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and B. F. Skinner. The result of Gross’s interviews is a nuanced and multi-perspectival set of interlocking chapters, each of which probes the psychological, social, and cultural aspects of creativity. Creativity: Process and Personality remains a provocative consideration of how creativity takes form, while also operating as a revealing snapshot of mid-twentieth century psychological thought. 04 00 PREFACE TO THE MEDIASTUDIES.PRESS EDITION v Larry Gross PREFACE ix Larry Gross CHAPTER I: DEFINITION: CREATIVITY: PROCESS, PERSONALITY 2 Larry Gross CHAPTER II: STRUCTURE OF INVESTIGATION 10 Larry Gross CHAPTER III: HERBERT A. SIMON: HOW DO PEOPLE MAKE DECISIONS? 13 Larry Gross CHAPTER IV: MILTON ROKEACH: HOW DO PEOPLE BELIEVE? 30 Larry Gross CHAPTER V: ABRAHAM H. MASLOW: THE MYSTERY OF HEALTH 52 Larry Gross CHAPTER VI: DAVID C. MCCLELLAND: THE NEED TO ACHIEVE 72 Larry Gross CHAPTER VII: JEROME S. BRUNER: THINKING, LEARNING, KNOWING 89 Larry Gross CHAPTER VIII: B. F. SKINNER: THE SCIENCE OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR 100 Larry Gross CHAPTER IX: CONCLUSION: A PLURALISTIC VIEW 111 Larry Gross 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.60b97b6f_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ae80b8b7 v viii 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended 03 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended up being my adviser and mentor, until his untimely death at the age of 62, in 1970.My primary interests as an undergraduate were psychology and art history, although I was also able to take advantage of the remarkable faculty then assembled at Brandeis across a wide range of fields. The psychology department, which Maslow had built and chaired for many years, was unusual for the period in not adhering to the then-dominant behaviorist school and I was exposed to theories of child development, personality, and perception, as well as the still controversial area of cognitive psychology. 30 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended up being my adviser and mentor, until his untimely death at the age of 62, in 1970.My primary interests as an undergraduate were psychology and art history, although I was also able to take advantage of the remarkable faculty then assembled at Brandeis across a wide range of fields. The psychology department, which Maslow had built and chaired for many years, was unusual for the period in not adhering to the then-dominant behaviorist school and I was exposed to theories of child development, personality, and perception, as well as the still controversial area of cognitive psychology. 20 00 Open Access Larry Gross 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2fbb1544 ix x 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the 03 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the process, and that they tended to be either very broad or even when they were detailed it was usually in a factor-analytical, statistical way. The common approach seemed to be to choose a sample and give them a battery of tests, and then to isolate the important variables of the creative personality, which turned out to be pretty common-sensical at that.What I decided to attempt was firstly to find some ground between the broad and superficial and the sort of detail possible only in a type of study that was beyond my capability and resources. Secondly, I was interested in investigating the interrelations of the creative process and the creative personality, in the production of clearly identifiable creative products. And I decided to do this in the form of case-studies. To make it even more involved, I determined to choose psychologists who had produced products of recognized creative merit. This was so that I could feel reasonably acquainted and familiar with the nature of their products. As it happened, they were all psychologists with some definite views on the creative process, so I was attempting a creative study of psychologists involved in creative study of creativity. 30 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the process, and that they tended to be either very broad or even when they were detailed it was usually in a factor-analytical, statistical way. The common approach seemed to be to choose a sample and give them a battery of tests, and then to isolate the important variables of the creative personality, which turned out to be pretty common-sensical at that.What I decided to attempt was firstly to find some ground between the broad and superficial and the sort of detail possible only in a type of study that was beyond my capability and resources. Secondly, I was interested in investigating the interrelations of the creative process and the creative personality, in the production of clearly identifiable creative products. And I decided to do this in the form of case-studies. To make it even more involved, I determined to choose psychologists who had produced products of recognized creative merit. This was so that I could feel reasonably acquainted and familiar with the nature of their products. As it happened, they were all psychologists with some definite views on the creative process, so I was attempting a creative study of psychologists involved in creative study of creativity. 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.51961e55 2 9 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter I: Definition: Creativity: Process, Personality 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process tha 03 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process that produces them is termed the “creative process” and is viewed as a distinct cognitive process, often involving distinct perceptual processes. A typical definition might be, then: “Creativity is that process which results in a novel work that is accepted as tenable or useful or satisfying by a group at some point in time.” 30 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process that produces them is termed the “creative process” and is viewed as a distinct cognitive process, often involving distinct perceptual processes. A typical definition might be, then: “Creativity is that process which results in a novel work that is accepted as tenable or useful or satisfying by a group at some point in time.” 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4d7a2daf 10 12 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter II: Structure of Investigation 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-end 03 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-ended manner. Each topic-heading was meant to suggest an area of potential interest, those which the subject felt to be relevant he would discuss. The outline also contained possible specific responses, but here, also, the suggestion was that the subject might indicate only those which he felt to be applicable. It was inevitable, in such an interview, that there would be over-lapping areas, but, by and large, the topics tended to remain discrete. Naturally not all of the subjects responded to all of the headings and not in the same detail. For one thing, due to external circumstances, the interviews varied in length from over 4 hours to 1 hour. For this reason, some of the interviews are more complete in one aspect, others in another aspect. On the whole, however, they cover the full range to a fair extent. The actual outline, as it was presented to the subjects (except in the case of Herbert Simon, that interview having been more of a pilot study), is as follows: 30 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-ended manner. Each topic-heading was meant to suggest an area of potential interest, those which the subject felt to be relevant he would discuss. The outline also contained possible specific responses, but here, also, the suggestion was that the subject might indicate only those which he felt to be applicable. It was inevitable, in such an interview, that there would be over-lapping areas, but, by and large, the topics tended to remain discrete. Naturally not all of the subjects responded to all of the headings and not in the same detail. For one thing, due to external circumstances, the interviews varied in length from over 4 hours to 1 hour. For this reason, some of the interviews are more complete in one aspect, others in another aspect. On the whole, however, they cover the full range to a fair extent. The actual outline, as it was presented to the subjects (except in the case of Herbert Simon, that interview having been more of a pilot study), is as follows: 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.141d414b 13 29 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter III: Herbert A. Simon: How do People Make Decisions? 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 03 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 1/2 hours, of which 4 1/2 hours are recorded on tape. At that time the research project was in its planning stage and this first interview served as a pilot study. It was only after this interview that the outline-structure presented in Chapter II was developed, partly on the basis of this first experience. However, the structure of that interview was fairly similar to the later outline. The main difference was that, while the main headings were the same, there was more emphasis on the production of the specific products discussed and on the preparatory processes (especially education) than on the motivational and personality factors. For that reason the case-study that follows will be more detailed in some areas and practically blank in others. In many ways it is better than the others, mainly due to the time available and to the ability of the subject to recollect relevant details. 30 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 1/2 hours, of which 4 1/2 hours are recorded on tape. At that time the research project was in its planning stage and this first interview served as a pilot study. It was only after this interview that the outline-structure presented in Chapter II was developed, partly on the basis of this first experience. However, the structure of that interview was fairly similar to the later outline. The main difference was that, while the main headings were the same, there was more emphasis on the production of the specific products discussed and on the preparatory processes (especially education) than on the motivational and personality factors. For that reason the case-study that follows will be more detailed in some areas and practically blank in others. In many ways it is better than the others, mainly due to the time available and to the ability of the subject to recollect relevant details. 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6f681587 30 51 22 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IV: Milton Rokeach: How do People Believe? 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central th 03 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central theme that runs in almost musical fashion as a leitmotif through his life and professional career. It is a theme that is first introduced in the recounting of his childhood, while variations upon it recur in all the subsequent phases of the discussion. This theme, as in the case of Simon, can best be phrased as a question, “How do people believe? What is the nature of human beliefs?”Milton Rokeach, at 45 one of the youngest of the subjects in this research, is professor of psychology at Michigan State University. He is best known for his book The Open and Closed Mind (). He has also written articles, a monograph, and a second book The Three Christs of Ypsilanti. I interviewed him on August 21, 1963, in East Lansing, Michigan; the interview lasted four hours on tape, although during the two days I was there, there was more, unrecorded, discussion which I shall draw upon in this case study. The interview was conducted according to the outline given in Chapter II above, and the presentation will, by and large, follow that format. 30 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central theme that runs in almost musical fashion as a leitmotif through his life and professional career. It is a theme that is first introduced in the recounting of his childhood, while variations upon it recur in all the subsequent phases of the discussion. This theme, as in the case of Simon, can best be phrased as a question, “How do people believe? What is the nature of human beliefs?”Milton Rokeach, at 45 one of the youngest of the subjects in this research, is professor of psychology at Michigan State University. He is best known for his book The Open and Closed Mind (). He has also written articles, a monograph, and a second book The Three Christs of Ypsilanti. I interviewed him on August 21, 1963, in East Lansing, Michigan; the interview lasted four hours on tape, although during the two days I was there, there was more, unrecorded, discussion which I shall draw upon in this case study. The interview was conducted according to the outline given in Chapter II above, and the presentation will, by and large, follow that format. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.afc82b6e 52 71 20 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter V: Abraham H. Maslow: The Mystery of Health 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly sti 03 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly stimulated by contact with Abraham Maslow as advisor, teacher and writer. While I think it is accurate to say that the outline which guided the interview was my work, as was the definition of creativity I am using as a vade mecum, his influence certainly extends to these as well. However, it is my belief that this did not create any real difficulties in preparing the case-study.The interview used for this study took place in two parts. The first, on August 8, 1963, lasted two hours and dealt with sections I and II of the outline (cf. Chapter II); the second, on October 11, 1963, also 2 hours, dealt with sections III, IV and V. In the preparation of this study I am using, besides the recorded interviews, information from writings and other personal communications. 30 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly stimulated by contact with Abraham Maslow as advisor, teacher and writer. While I think it is accurate to say that the outline which guided the interview was my work, as was the definition of creativity I am using as a vade mecum, his influence certainly extends to these as well. However, it is my belief that this did not create any real difficulties in preparing the case-study.The interview used for this study took place in two parts. The first, on August 8, 1963, lasted two hours and dealt with sections I and II of the outline (cf. Chapter II); the second, on October 11, 1963, also 2 hours, dealt with sections III, IV and V. In the preparation of this study I am using, besides the recorded interviews, information from writings and other personal communications. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.b5f44d8f 72 88 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VI: David C. McClelland: The Need to Achieve 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and mo 03 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. 30 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.56054571 89 99 21 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VII: Jerome S. Bruner: Thinking, Learning, Knowing 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the 03 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the youngest men to attain the rank of professor of Psychology. His considerable productivity has been in the areas of propaganda analysis, opinion analysis, perception, thinking and concept attainment, learning and the process of education. In his case, as in McClelland’s, there is no immediately identifiable central, paradigmatic question unifying his research; and this is one of the problems we shall be taking up in the following study. He has written many articles, and, alone or in collaboration, four books. Also, like McClelland, he has been a more frequent participant than the other subjects, in administrative and advisory activities. He is currently President of the New England Psychological Association, and President-Elect of the American Psychological Association. 30 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the youngest men to attain the rank of professor of Psychology. His considerable productivity has been in the areas of propaganda analysis, opinion analysis, perception, thinking and concept attainment, learning and the process of education. In his case, as in McClelland’s, there is no immediately identifiable central, paradigmatic question unifying his research; and this is one of the problems we shall be taking up in the following study. He has written many articles, and, alone or in collaboration, four books. Also, like McClelland, he has been a more frequent participant than the other subjects, in administrative and advisory activities. He is currently President of the New England Psychological Association, and President-Elect of the American Psychological Association. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.d2015cef 100 110 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VIII: B. F. Skinner: The Science of Human Behavior 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to 03 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to his. Although working within a pre-existing framework, Skinner has changed the nature of this very framework in very significant ways. Pavlov was the ancestor, and Watson the father of Skinnerian Behaviorism, but in the final analysis, the system as it stands is his. Professor of Psychology at Harvard University, Skinner has promulgated his position through five books, ranging from methodological description to Utopian speculation (his novel, Walden Two () is the only fiction written, to my knowledge, by a prominent contemporary psychologist), and numerous articles. He has also made significant methodological innovations. Many psychologists may not like his work, but they ignore it at their peril. More than any of the other subjects, except perhaps Maslow, Skinner is a theorist about whom one cannot be neutral. 30 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to his. Although working within a pre-existing framework, Skinner has changed the nature of this very framework in very significant ways. Pavlov was the ancestor, and Watson the father of Skinnerian Behaviorism, but in the final analysis, the system as it stands is his. Professor of Psychology at Harvard University, Skinner has promulgated his position through five books, ranging from methodological description to Utopian speculation (his novel, Walden Two () is the only fiction written, to my knowledge, by a prominent contemporary psychologist), and numerous articles. He has also made significant methodological innovations. Many psychologists may not like his work, but they ignore it at their peril. More than any of the other subjects, except perhaps Maslow, Skinner is a theorist about whom one cannot be neutral. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b408d77 111 126 16 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IX: Conclusion: A Pluralistic View 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to 03 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to me as a whole is of the variety, the pluralism of backgrounds, development, personality and research interests and activities. But, along with this, and equally important, I feel that there is a possibility for finding some common characteristics, structural if not contentual [sic], which might be relevant to the creative personality and process. 30 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to me as a whole is of the variety, the pluralism of backgrounds, development, personality and research interests and activities. But, along with this, and equally important, I feel that there is a possibility for finding some common characteristics, structural if not contentual [sic], which might be relevant to the creative personality and process. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/creativity Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20230115 Larry Gross 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399146 03 9781951399146 06 15 9781951399122 03 9781951399122 06 15 9781951399139 03 9781951399139 WORLD 11 PROJECT_MUSE 36 PROJECT_MUSE: webpage for this product https://muse.jhu.edu/book/110808 29 PROJECT_MUSE: download the title https://muse.jhu.edu/book/110808 20 08 20230115 01 11 OAPEN 36 OAPEN: webpage for this product https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/61558 29 OAPEN: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/61558/gross-creativity-1964-oapen.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y 20 08 20230115 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=266148FDED99BBB38F674467529B7E5A 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title http://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=266148FDED99BBB38F674467529B7E5A 20 08 20230115 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.google.com/books?id=UESwEAAAQBAJ 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.google.com/books/download/Creativity_Process_and_Personality.pdf?id=UESwEAAAQBAJ&output=pdf&sig=ACfU3U3tQWoV8JKAIrlNzeh3ljFlazAwWQ 20 08 20230115 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/creativity 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/creativity1.0/gross-creativity-1964.pdf 20 08 20230115 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/97de7f92-1284-438d-bdd3-e9781577db28 29 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: download the title https://archive.org/download/97de7f92-1284-438d-bdd3-e9781577db28/97de7f92-1284-438d-bdd3-e9781577db28.pdf 20 08 20230115 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/creativity 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.60b97b6f.pdf 20 08 20230115 01 urn:uuid:7bff1aae-5dae-482f-84ca-2ae8e3a75c10 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:97de7f92-1284-438d-bdd3-e9781577db28 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:7bff1aae-5dae-482f-84ca-2ae8e3a75c10 15 9781951399122 03 9781951399122 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.60b97b6f 13 2023933419 23 2023933419 00 EB E105 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 4 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Creativity: Process and Personality 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California Larry Gross is Professor of Communication at the Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism at the University of Southern California. 01 eng 00 142 03 93 JMAN 12 JMAN 10 PSY034000 93 JMS 12 JMS 10 PSY015000 93 GTB 12 PDX 10 PSY023000 01 06 02 00 Creativity: Process and Personality, a 1964 thesis published for the first time, features interviews on creativity with prominent psychologists, including B. F. Skinner, Herbert Simon, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and Milton Rokeach. 03 00 Before arriving in the field of communication, Larry Gross was a psychology student at Brandeis University; Creativity: Process and Personality was Gross’s undergraduate thesis at Brandeis, completed in 1964. This mediastudies.press edition is the initial publication of that undergraduate thesis, with a new preface by Gross himself. Creativity: Process and Personality finds Gross exploring the nature of creativity by interviewing some of the era’s most noteworthy experts in psychology, including Herbert Simon, Milton Rokeach, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and B. F. Skinner. The result of Gross’s interviews is a nuanced and multi-perspectival set of interlocking chapters, each of which probes the psychological, social, and cultural aspects of creativity. Creativity: Process and Personality remains a provocative consideration of how creativity takes form, while also operating as a revealing snapshot of mid-twentieth century psychological thought. 30 00 Before arriving in the field of communication, Larry Gross was a psychology student at Brandeis University; Creativity: Process and Personality was Gross’s undergraduate thesis at Brandeis, completed in 1964. This mediastudies.press edition is the initial publication of that undergraduate thesis, with a new preface by Gross himself. Creativity: Process and Personality finds Gross exploring the nature of creativity by interviewing some of the era’s most noteworthy experts in psychology, including Herbert Simon, Milton Rokeach, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and B. F. Skinner. The result of Gross’s interviews is a nuanced and multi-perspectival set of interlocking chapters, each of which probes the psychological, social, and cultural aspects of creativity. Creativity: Process and Personality remains a provocative consideration of how creativity takes form, while also operating as a revealing snapshot of mid-twentieth century psychological thought. 04 00 PREFACE TO THE MEDIASTUDIES.PRESS EDITION v Larry Gross PREFACE ix Larry Gross CHAPTER I: DEFINITION: CREATIVITY: PROCESS, PERSONALITY 2 Larry Gross CHAPTER II: STRUCTURE OF INVESTIGATION 10 Larry Gross CHAPTER III: HERBERT A. SIMON: HOW DO PEOPLE MAKE DECISIONS? 13 Larry Gross CHAPTER IV: MILTON ROKEACH: HOW DO PEOPLE BELIEVE? 30 Larry Gross CHAPTER V: ABRAHAM H. MASLOW: THE MYSTERY OF HEALTH 52 Larry Gross CHAPTER VI: DAVID C. MCCLELLAND: THE NEED TO ACHIEVE 72 Larry Gross CHAPTER VII: JEROME S. BRUNER: THINKING, LEARNING, KNOWING 89 Larry Gross CHAPTER VIII: B. F. SKINNER: THE SCIENCE OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR 100 Larry Gross CHAPTER IX: CONCLUSION: A PLURALISTIC VIEW 111 Larry Gross 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.60b97b6f_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ae80b8b7 v viii 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended 03 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended up being my adviser and mentor, until his untimely death at the age of 62, in 1970.My primary interests as an undergraduate were psychology and art history, although I was also able to take advantage of the remarkable faculty then assembled at Brandeis across a wide range of fields. The psychology department, which Maslow had built and chaired for many years, was unusual for the period in not adhering to the then-dominant behaviorist school and I was exposed to theories of child development, personality, and perception, as well as the still controversial area of cognitive psychology. 30 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended up being my adviser and mentor, until his untimely death at the age of 62, in 1970.My primary interests as an undergraduate were psychology and art history, although I was also able to take advantage of the remarkable faculty then assembled at Brandeis across a wide range of fields. The psychology department, which Maslow had built and chaired for many years, was unusual for the period in not adhering to the then-dominant behaviorist school and I was exposed to theories of child development, personality, and perception, as well as the still controversial area of cognitive psychology. 20 00 Open Access Larry Gross 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2fbb1544 ix x 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the 03 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the process, and that they tended to be either very broad or even when they were detailed it was usually in a factor-analytical, statistical way. The common approach seemed to be to choose a sample and give them a battery of tests, and then to isolate the important variables of the creative personality, which turned out to be pretty common-sensical at that.What I decided to attempt was firstly to find some ground between the broad and superficial and the sort of detail possible only in a type of study that was beyond my capability and resources. Secondly, I was interested in investigating the interrelations of the creative process and the creative personality, in the production of clearly identifiable creative products. And I decided to do this in the form of case-studies. To make it even more involved, I determined to choose psychologists who had produced products of recognized creative merit. This was so that I could feel reasonably acquainted and familiar with the nature of their products. As it happened, they were all psychologists with some definite views on the creative process, so I was attempting a creative study of psychologists involved in creative study of creativity. 30 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the process, and that they tended to be either very broad or even when they were detailed it was usually in a factor-analytical, statistical way. The common approach seemed to be to choose a sample and give them a battery of tests, and then to isolate the important variables of the creative personality, which turned out to be pretty common-sensical at that.What I decided to attempt was firstly to find some ground between the broad and superficial and the sort of detail possible only in a type of study that was beyond my capability and resources. Secondly, I was interested in investigating the interrelations of the creative process and the creative personality, in the production of clearly identifiable creative products. And I decided to do this in the form of case-studies. To make it even more involved, I determined to choose psychologists who had produced products of recognized creative merit. This was so that I could feel reasonably acquainted and familiar with the nature of their products. As it happened, they were all psychologists with some definite views on the creative process, so I was attempting a creative study of psychologists involved in creative study of creativity. 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.51961e55 2 9 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter I: Definition: Creativity: Process, Personality 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process tha 03 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process that produces them is termed the “creative process” and is viewed as a distinct cognitive process, often involving distinct perceptual processes. A typical definition might be, then: “Creativity is that process which results in a novel work that is accepted as tenable or useful or satisfying by a group at some point in time.” 30 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process that produces them is termed the “creative process” and is viewed as a distinct cognitive process, often involving distinct perceptual processes. A typical definition might be, then: “Creativity is that process which results in a novel work that is accepted as tenable or useful or satisfying by a group at some point in time.” 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4d7a2daf 10 12 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter II: Structure of Investigation 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-end 03 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-ended manner. Each topic-heading was meant to suggest an area of potential interest, those which the subject felt to be relevant he would discuss. The outline also contained possible specific responses, but here, also, the suggestion was that the subject might indicate only those which he felt to be applicable. It was inevitable, in such an interview, that there would be over-lapping areas, but, by and large, the topics tended to remain discrete. Naturally not all of the subjects responded to all of the headings and not in the same detail. For one thing, due to external circumstances, the interviews varied in length from over 4 hours to 1 hour. For this reason, some of the interviews are more complete in one aspect, others in another aspect. On the whole, however, they cover the full range to a fair extent. The actual outline, as it was presented to the subjects (except in the case of Herbert Simon, that interview having been more of a pilot study), is as follows: 30 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-ended manner. Each topic-heading was meant to suggest an area of potential interest, those which the subject felt to be relevant he would discuss. The outline also contained possible specific responses, but here, also, the suggestion was that the subject might indicate only those which he felt to be applicable. It was inevitable, in such an interview, that there would be over-lapping areas, but, by and large, the topics tended to remain discrete. Naturally not all of the subjects responded to all of the headings and not in the same detail. For one thing, due to external circumstances, the interviews varied in length from over 4 hours to 1 hour. For this reason, some of the interviews are more complete in one aspect, others in another aspect. On the whole, however, they cover the full range to a fair extent. The actual outline, as it was presented to the subjects (except in the case of Herbert Simon, that interview having been more of a pilot study), is as follows: 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.141d414b 13 29 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter III: Herbert A. Simon: How do People Make Decisions? 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 03 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 1/2 hours, of which 4 1/2 hours are recorded on tape. At that time the research project was in its planning stage and this first interview served as a pilot study. It was only after this interview that the outline-structure presented in Chapter II was developed, partly on the basis of this first experience. However, the structure of that interview was fairly similar to the later outline. The main difference was that, while the main headings were the same, there was more emphasis on the production of the specific products discussed and on the preparatory processes (especially education) than on the motivational and personality factors. For that reason the case-study that follows will be more detailed in some areas and practically blank in others. In many ways it is better than the others, mainly due to the time available and to the ability of the subject to recollect relevant details. 30 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 1/2 hours, of which 4 1/2 hours are recorded on tape. At that time the research project was in its planning stage and this first interview served as a pilot study. It was only after this interview that the outline-structure presented in Chapter II was developed, partly on the basis of this first experience. However, the structure of that interview was fairly similar to the later outline. The main difference was that, while the main headings were the same, there was more emphasis on the production of the specific products discussed and on the preparatory processes (especially education) than on the motivational and personality factors. For that reason the case-study that follows will be more detailed in some areas and practically blank in others. In many ways it is better than the others, mainly due to the time available and to the ability of the subject to recollect relevant details. 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6f681587 30 51 22 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IV: Milton Rokeach: How do People Believe? 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central th 03 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central theme that runs in almost musical fashion as a leitmotif through his life and professional career. It is a theme that is first introduced in the recounting of his childhood, while variations upon it recur in all the subsequent phases of the discussion. This theme, as in the case of Simon, can best be phrased as a question, “How do people believe? What is the nature of human beliefs?”Milton Rokeach, at 45 one of the youngest of the subjects in this research, is professor of psychology at Michigan State University. He is best known for his book The Open and Closed Mind (). He has also written articles, a monograph, and a second book The Three Christs of Ypsilanti. I interviewed him on August 21, 1963, in East Lansing, Michigan; the interview lasted four hours on tape, although during the two days I was there, there was more, unrecorded, discussion which I shall draw upon in this case study. The interview was conducted according to the outline given in Chapter II above, and the presentation will, by and large, follow that format. 30 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central theme that runs in almost musical fashion as a leitmotif through his life and professional career. It is a theme that is first introduced in the recounting of his childhood, while variations upon it recur in all the subsequent phases of the discussion. This theme, as in the case of Simon, can best be phrased as a question, “How do people believe? What is the nature of human beliefs?”Milton Rokeach, at 45 one of the youngest of the subjects in this research, is professor of psychology at Michigan State University. He is best known for his book The Open and Closed Mind (). He has also written articles, a monograph, and a second book The Three Christs of Ypsilanti. I interviewed him on August 21, 1963, in East Lansing, Michigan; the interview lasted four hours on tape, although during the two days I was there, there was more, unrecorded, discussion which I shall draw upon in this case study. The interview was conducted according to the outline given in Chapter II above, and the presentation will, by and large, follow that format. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.afc82b6e 52 71 20 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter V: Abraham H. Maslow: The Mystery of Health 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly sti 03 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly stimulated by contact with Abraham Maslow as advisor, teacher and writer. While I think it is accurate to say that the outline which guided the interview was my work, as was the definition of creativity I am using as a vade mecum, his influence certainly extends to these as well. However, it is my belief that this did not create any real difficulties in preparing the case-study.The interview used for this study took place in two parts. The first, on August 8, 1963, lasted two hours and dealt with sections I and II of the outline (cf. Chapter II); the second, on October 11, 1963, also 2 hours, dealt with sections III, IV and V. In the preparation of this study I am using, besides the recorded interviews, information from writings and other personal communications. 30 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly stimulated by contact with Abraham Maslow as advisor, teacher and writer. While I think it is accurate to say that the outline which guided the interview was my work, as was the definition of creativity I am using as a vade mecum, his influence certainly extends to these as well. However, it is my belief that this did not create any real difficulties in preparing the case-study.The interview used for this study took place in two parts. The first, on August 8, 1963, lasted two hours and dealt with sections I and II of the outline (cf. Chapter II); the second, on October 11, 1963, also 2 hours, dealt with sections III, IV and V. In the preparation of this study I am using, besides the recorded interviews, information from writings and other personal communications. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.b5f44d8f 72 88 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VI: David C. McClelland: The Need to Achieve 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and mo 03 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. 30 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.56054571 89 99 21 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VII: Jerome S. Bruner: Thinking, Learning, Knowing 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the 03 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the youngest men to attain the rank of professor of Psychology. His considerable productivity has been in the areas of propaganda analysis, opinion analysis, perception, thinking and concept attainment, learning and the process of education. In his case, as in McClelland’s, there is no immediately identifiable central, paradigmatic question unifying his research; and this is one of the problems we shall be taking up in the following study. He has written many articles, and, alone or in collaboration, four books. Also, like McClelland, he has been a more frequent participant than the other subjects, in administrative and advisory activities. He is currently President of the New England Psychological Association, and President-Elect of the American Psychological Association. 30 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the youngest men to attain the rank of professor of Psychology. His considerable productivity has been in the areas of propaganda analysis, opinion analysis, perception, thinking and concept attainment, learning and the process of education. In his case, as in McClelland’s, there is no immediately identifiable central, paradigmatic question unifying his research; and this is one of the problems we shall be taking up in the following study. He has written many articles, and, alone or in collaboration, four books. Also, like McClelland, he has been a more frequent participant than the other subjects, in administrative and advisory activities. He is currently President of the New England Psychological Association, and President-Elect of the American Psychological Association. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.d2015cef 100 110 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VIII: B. F. Skinner: The Science of Human Behavior 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to 03 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to his. Although working within a pre-existing framework, Skinner has changed the nature of this very framework in very significant ways. Pavlov was the ancestor, and Watson the father of Skinnerian Behaviorism, but in the final analysis, the system as it stands is his. Professor of Psychology at Harvard University, Skinner has promulgated his position through five books, ranging from methodological description to Utopian speculation (his novel, Walden Two () is the only fiction written, to my knowledge, by a prominent contemporary psychologist), and numerous articles. He has also made significant methodological innovations. Many psychologists may not like his work, but they ignore it at their peril. More than any of the other subjects, except perhaps Maslow, Skinner is a theorist about whom one cannot be neutral. 30 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to his. Although working within a pre-existing framework, Skinner has changed the nature of this very framework in very significant ways. Pavlov was the ancestor, and Watson the father of Skinnerian Behaviorism, but in the final analysis, the system as it stands is his. Professor of Psychology at Harvard University, Skinner has promulgated his position through five books, ranging from methodological description to Utopian speculation (his novel, Walden Two () is the only fiction written, to my knowledge, by a prominent contemporary psychologist), and numerous articles. He has also made significant methodological innovations. Many psychologists may not like his work, but they ignore it at their peril. More than any of the other subjects, except perhaps Maslow, Skinner is a theorist about whom one cannot be neutral. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b408d77 111 126 16 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IX: Conclusion: A Pluralistic View 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to 03 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to me as a whole is of the variety, the pluralism of backgrounds, development, personality and research interests and activities. But, along with this, and equally important, I feel that there is a possibility for finding some common characteristics, structural if not contentual [sic], which might be relevant to the creative personality and process. 30 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to me as a whole is of the variety, the pluralism of backgrounds, development, personality and research interests and activities. But, along with this, and equally important, I feel that there is a possibility for finding some common characteristics, structural if not contentual [sic], which might be relevant to the creative personality and process. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/creativity Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20230115 Larry Gross 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399146 03 9781951399146 06 15 9781951399115 03 9781951399115 06 15 9781951399139 03 9781951399139 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/creativity 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.mediastudies.press/creativity 20 08 20230115 01 urn:uuid:a18b642b-4145-4eb5-96ed-be60f46af170 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:97de7f92-1284-438d-bdd3-e9781577db28 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:a18b642b-4145-4eb5-96ed-be60f46af170 15 9781951399139 03 9781951399139 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.60b97b6f 13 2023933419 23 2023933419 00 EB E101 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 4 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Creativity: Process and Personality 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California Larry Gross is Professor of Communication at the Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism at the University of Southern California. 01 eng 00 142 03 93 JMAN 12 JMAN 10 PSY034000 93 JMS 12 JMS 10 PSY015000 93 GTB 12 PDX 10 PSY023000 01 06 02 00 Creativity: Process and Personality, a 1964 thesis published for the first time, features interviews on creativity with prominent psychologists, including B. F. Skinner, Herbert Simon, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and Milton Rokeach. 03 00 Before arriving in the field of communication, Larry Gross was a psychology student at Brandeis University; Creativity: Process and Personality was Gross’s undergraduate thesis at Brandeis, completed in 1964. This mediastudies.press edition is the initial publication of that undergraduate thesis, with a new preface by Gross himself. Creativity: Process and Personality finds Gross exploring the nature of creativity by interviewing some of the era’s most noteworthy experts in psychology, including Herbert Simon, Milton Rokeach, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and B. F. Skinner. The result of Gross’s interviews is a nuanced and multi-perspectival set of interlocking chapters, each of which probes the psychological, social, and cultural aspects of creativity. Creativity: Process and Personality remains a provocative consideration of how creativity takes form, while also operating as a revealing snapshot of mid-twentieth century psychological thought. 30 00 Before arriving in the field of communication, Larry Gross was a psychology student at Brandeis University; Creativity: Process and Personality was Gross’s undergraduate thesis at Brandeis, completed in 1964. This mediastudies.press edition is the initial publication of that undergraduate thesis, with a new preface by Gross himself. Creativity: Process and Personality finds Gross exploring the nature of creativity by interviewing some of the era’s most noteworthy experts in psychology, including Herbert Simon, Milton Rokeach, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, Jerome Bruner, and B. F. Skinner. The result of Gross’s interviews is a nuanced and multi-perspectival set of interlocking chapters, each of which probes the psychological, social, and cultural aspects of creativity. Creativity: Process and Personality remains a provocative consideration of how creativity takes form, while also operating as a revealing snapshot of mid-twentieth century psychological thought. 04 00 PREFACE TO THE MEDIASTUDIES.PRESS EDITION v Larry Gross PREFACE ix Larry Gross CHAPTER I: DEFINITION: CREATIVITY: PROCESS, PERSONALITY 2 Larry Gross CHAPTER II: STRUCTURE OF INVESTIGATION 10 Larry Gross CHAPTER III: HERBERT A. SIMON: HOW DO PEOPLE MAKE DECISIONS? 13 Larry Gross CHAPTER IV: MILTON ROKEACH: HOW DO PEOPLE BELIEVE? 30 Larry Gross CHAPTER V: ABRAHAM H. MASLOW: THE MYSTERY OF HEALTH 52 Larry Gross CHAPTER VI: DAVID C. MCCLELLAND: THE NEED TO ACHIEVE 72 Larry Gross CHAPTER VII: JEROME S. BRUNER: THINKING, LEARNING, KNOWING 89 Larry Gross CHAPTER VIII: B. F. SKINNER: THE SCIENCE OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR 100 Larry Gross CHAPTER IX: CONCLUSION: A PLURALISTIC VIEW 111 Larry Gross 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.60b97b6f_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ae80b8b7 v viii 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended 03 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended up being my adviser and mentor, until his untimely death at the age of 62, in 1970.My primary interests as an undergraduate were psychology and art history, although I was also able to take advantage of the remarkable faculty then assembled at Brandeis across a wide range of fields. The psychology department, which Maslow had built and chaired for many years, was unusual for the period in not adhering to the then-dominant behaviorist school and I was exposed to theories of child development, personality, and perception, as well as the still controversial area of cognitive psychology. 30 00 Nearly sixty years ago, in the summer of 1963, I embarked on an ambitious project that would comprise my senior honors thesis in psychology at Brandeis University. I had entered Brandeis as a psychology major, drawn there by the presence of Abraham Maslow, whose work I had encountered in my father’s library. As it turned out, Abe Maslow ended up being my adviser and mentor, until his untimely death at the age of 62, in 1970.My primary interests as an undergraduate were psychology and art history, although I was also able to take advantage of the remarkable faculty then assembled at Brandeis across a wide range of fields. The psychology department, which Maslow had built and chaired for many years, was unusual for the period in not adhering to the then-dominant behaviorist school and I was exposed to theories of child development, personality, and perception, as well as the still controversial area of cognitive psychology. 20 00 Open Access Larry Gross 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2fbb1544 ix x 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the 03 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the process, and that they tended to be either very broad or even when they were detailed it was usually in a factor-analytical, statistical way. The common approach seemed to be to choose a sample and give them a battery of tests, and then to isolate the important variables of the creative personality, which turned out to be pretty common-sensical at that.What I decided to attempt was firstly to find some ground between the broad and superficial and the sort of detail possible only in a type of study that was beyond my capability and resources. Secondly, I was interested in investigating the interrelations of the creative process and the creative personality, in the production of clearly identifiable creative products. And I decided to do this in the form of case-studies. To make it even more involved, I determined to choose psychologists who had produced products of recognized creative merit. This was so that I could feel reasonably acquainted and familiar with the nature of their products. As it happened, they were all psychologists with some definite views on the creative process, so I was attempting a creative study of psychologists involved in creative study of creativity. 30 00 It was such a feeling that prompted the following study. Deciding that the creative process was an area that was not as clear to me as I thought it should be, I began by looking at the work that had been done on this field, and l was impressed by one fact. Namely that most studies concentrated on the creative personality, as distinct from the process, and that they tended to be either very broad or even when they were detailed it was usually in a factor-analytical, statistical way. The common approach seemed to be to choose a sample and give them a battery of tests, and then to isolate the important variables of the creative personality, which turned out to be pretty common-sensical at that.What I decided to attempt was firstly to find some ground between the broad and superficial and the sort of detail possible only in a type of study that was beyond my capability and resources. Secondly, I was interested in investigating the interrelations of the creative process and the creative personality, in the production of clearly identifiable creative products. And I decided to do this in the form of case-studies. To make it even more involved, I determined to choose psychologists who had produced products of recognized creative merit. This was so that I could feel reasonably acquainted and familiar with the nature of their products. As it happened, they were all psychologists with some definite views on the creative process, so I was attempting a creative study of psychologists involved in creative study of creativity. 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.51961e55 2 9 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter I: Definition: Creativity: Process, Personality 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process tha 03 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process that produces them is termed the “creative process” and is viewed as a distinct cognitive process, often involving distinct perceptual processes. A typical definition might be, then: “Creativity is that process which results in a novel work that is accepted as tenable or useful or satisfying by a group at some point in time.” 30 00 In examining various definitions of the creative process, one is struck by certain assumptions that are common to most and by a basic disagreement which divides these definitions into two groups.The common assumptions are that products which are novel for a person or a culture and are considered valuable are “creative”. The process that produces them is termed the “creative process” and is viewed as a distinct cognitive process, often involving distinct perceptual processes. A typical definition might be, then: “Creativity is that process which results in a novel work that is accepted as tenable or useful or satisfying by a group at some point in time.” 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4d7a2daf 10 12 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter II: Structure of Investigation 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-end 03 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-ended manner. Each topic-heading was meant to suggest an area of potential interest, those which the subject felt to be relevant he would discuss. The outline also contained possible specific responses, but here, also, the suggestion was that the subject might indicate only those which he felt to be applicable. It was inevitable, in such an interview, that there would be over-lapping areas, but, by and large, the topics tended to remain discrete. Naturally not all of the subjects responded to all of the headings and not in the same detail. For one thing, due to external circumstances, the interviews varied in length from over 4 hours to 1 hour. For this reason, some of the interviews are more complete in one aspect, others in another aspect. On the whole, however, they cover the full range to a fair extent. The actual outline, as it was presented to the subjects (except in the case of Herbert Simon, that interview having been more of a pilot study), is as follows: 30 00 Before proceeding with the actual case-study data, it seems to me that it would be suitable to explain the method by which the data was gathered. The interviews were structured through the use of an outline consisting of topic headings which was given to the subject, and which he was asked to respond to in a free, self-determined and open-ended manner. Each topic-heading was meant to suggest an area of potential interest, those which the subject felt to be relevant he would discuss. The outline also contained possible specific responses, but here, also, the suggestion was that the subject might indicate only those which he felt to be applicable. It was inevitable, in such an interview, that there would be over-lapping areas, but, by and large, the topics tended to remain discrete. Naturally not all of the subjects responded to all of the headings and not in the same detail. For one thing, due to external circumstances, the interviews varied in length from over 4 hours to 1 hour. For this reason, some of the interviews are more complete in one aspect, others in another aspect. On the whole, however, they cover the full range to a fair extent. The actual outline, as it was presented to the subjects (except in the case of Herbert Simon, that interview having been more of a pilot study), is as follows: 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.141d414b 13 29 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter III: Herbert A. Simon: How do People Make Decisions? 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 03 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 1/2 hours, of which 4 1/2 hours are recorded on tape. At that time the research project was in its planning stage and this first interview served as a pilot study. It was only after this interview that the outline-structure presented in Chapter II was developed, partly on the basis of this first experience. However, the structure of that interview was fairly similar to the later outline. The main difference was that, while the main headings were the same, there was more emphasis on the production of the specific products discussed and on the preparatory processes (especially education) than on the motivational and personality factors. For that reason the case-study that follows will be more detailed in some areas and practically blank in others. In many ways it is better than the others, mainly due to the time available and to the ability of the subject to recollect relevant details. 30 00 The interview on which this case-study is based, differed in some aspects from the interviews which form the bases for the other case-studies presented in this paper. It took place on April 27, 1963, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology Graduate School of Industrial Administration in Pittsburgh. The actual interview lasted approximately 6 1/2 hours, of which 4 1/2 hours are recorded on tape. At that time the research project was in its planning stage and this first interview served as a pilot study. It was only after this interview that the outline-structure presented in Chapter II was developed, partly on the basis of this first experience. However, the structure of that interview was fairly similar to the later outline. The main difference was that, while the main headings were the same, there was more emphasis on the production of the specific products discussed and on the preparatory processes (especially education) than on the motivational and personality factors. For that reason the case-study that follows will be more detailed in some areas and practically blank in others. In many ways it is better than the others, mainly due to the time available and to the ability of the subject to recollect relevant details. 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6f681587 30 51 22 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IV: Milton Rokeach: How do People Believe? 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central th 03 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central theme that runs in almost musical fashion as a leitmotif through his life and professional career. It is a theme that is first introduced in the recounting of his childhood, while variations upon it recur in all the subsequent phases of the discussion. This theme, as in the case of Simon, can best be phrased as a question, “How do people believe? What is the nature of human beliefs?”Milton Rokeach, at 45 one of the youngest of the subjects in this research, is professor of psychology at Michigan State University. He is best known for his book The Open and Closed Mind (). He has also written articles, a monograph, and a second book The Three Christs of Ypsilanti. I interviewed him on August 21, 1963, in East Lansing, Michigan; the interview lasted four hours on tape, although during the two days I was there, there was more, unrecorded, discussion which I shall draw upon in this case study. The interview was conducted according to the outline given in Chapter II above, and the presentation will, by and large, follow that format. 30 00 “I think there is a certain single-mindedness about me that is almost a major, dominant theme in my life.” This statement, which would not have been atypical for Herbert Simon, is central to an understanding of the work of Milton Rokeach. More than any other of the six psychologists we are considering, his work is centered around a central theme that runs in almost musical fashion as a leitmotif through his life and professional career. It is a theme that is first introduced in the recounting of his childhood, while variations upon it recur in all the subsequent phases of the discussion. This theme, as in the case of Simon, can best be phrased as a question, “How do people believe? What is the nature of human beliefs?”Milton Rokeach, at 45 one of the youngest of the subjects in this research, is professor of psychology at Michigan State University. He is best known for his book The Open and Closed Mind (). He has also written articles, a monograph, and a second book The Three Christs of Ypsilanti. I interviewed him on August 21, 1963, in East Lansing, Michigan; the interview lasted four hours on tape, although during the two days I was there, there was more, unrecorded, discussion which I shall draw upon in this case study. The interview was conducted according to the outline given in Chapter II above, and the presentation will, by and large, follow that format. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.afc82b6e 52 71 20 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter V: Abraham H. Maslow: The Mystery of Health 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly sti 03 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly stimulated by contact with Abraham Maslow as advisor, teacher and writer. While I think it is accurate to say that the outline which guided the interview was my work, as was the definition of creativity I am using as a vade mecum, his influence certainly extends to these as well. However, it is my belief that this did not create any real difficulties in preparing the case-study.The interview used for this study took place in two parts. The first, on August 8, 1963, lasted two hours and dealt with sections I and II of the outline (cf. Chapter II); the second, on October 11, 1963, also 2 hours, dealt with sections III, IV and V. In the preparation of this study I am using, besides the recorded interviews, information from writings and other personal communications. 30 00 This case-study occupies, of necessity, an unusual position in the research I am reporting. The reason for this is that the subject of the study is also the sponsor and advisor for the research. Moreover, my general psychological viewpoint and conceptions of creativity and the creative personality have been strongly influenced and greatly stimulated by contact with Abraham Maslow as advisor, teacher and writer. While I think it is accurate to say that the outline which guided the interview was my work, as was the definition of creativity I am using as a vade mecum, his influence certainly extends to these as well. However, it is my belief that this did not create any real difficulties in preparing the case-study.The interview used for this study took place in two parts. The first, on August 8, 1963, lasted two hours and dealt with sections I and II of the outline (cf. Chapter II); the second, on October 11, 1963, also 2 hours, dealt with sections III, IV and V. In the preparation of this study I am using, besides the recorded interviews, information from writings and other personal communications. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.b5f44d8f 72 88 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VI: David C. McClelland: The Need to Achieve 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and mo 03 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. 30 00 A large portion of the professional research performed by David McClelland has dealt with the nature of human motivation, and the achievement motive in particular. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. Many of his numerous papers, and five of the six books he has written, edited, and collaborated on, are concerned with questions of the origins and expression of human needs and motives.David McClelland is professor of psychology and chairman of the Department of Social Relations at Harvard University. His many research activities have been complemented by a willingness to participate in administrative and advisory capacities in such bodies as the Ford Foundation, the Fulbright Advisory Panel, the Social Science Research Council, and the National Institute of Mental Health. The extent of this participation, greater than for any of the other subjects, indicates a certain consciousness or acceptance of the social responsibilities of his theoretical life that is an important characteristic of his personality. I think it is clear that the motive is not, consciously, a desire for power. I think we will see that it is rather an outgrowth of certain personal, perhaps even religious traits. A more important example of this is the fact that during the current year (1963–64) he is attempting to apply his theory to the task of improving society, by attempting to actually stimulate the need for achievement in the populations of underdeveloped nations. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.56054571 89 99 21 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VII: Jerome S. Bruner: Thinking, Learning, Knowing 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the 03 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the youngest men to attain the rank of professor of Psychology. His considerable productivity has been in the areas of propaganda analysis, opinion analysis, perception, thinking and concept attainment, learning and the process of education. In his case, as in McClelland’s, there is no immediately identifiable central, paradigmatic question unifying his research; and this is one of the problems we shall be taking up in the following study. He has written many articles, and, alone or in collaboration, four books. Also, like McClelland, he has been a more frequent participant than the other subjects, in administrative and advisory activities. He is currently President of the New England Psychological Association, and President-Elect of the American Psychological Association. 30 00 Jerome Bruner, one of the youngest subjects, also had one of the quickest rises into a position of recognized standing in his field. Currently Director of the Center for Cognitive Studies at Harvard University and member of the faculties of the Department of Social Relations and the Graduate School of Public Administration, he was one of the youngest men to attain the rank of professor of Psychology. His considerable productivity has been in the areas of propaganda analysis, opinion analysis, perception, thinking and concept attainment, learning and the process of education. In his case, as in McClelland’s, there is no immediately identifiable central, paradigmatic question unifying his research; and this is one of the problems we shall be taking up in the following study. He has written many articles, and, alone or in collaboration, four books. Also, like McClelland, he has been a more frequent participant than the other subjects, in administrative and advisory activities. He is currently President of the New England Psychological Association, and President-Elect of the American Psychological Association. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.d2015cef 100 110 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter VIII: B. F. Skinner: The Science of Human Behavior 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to 03 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to his. Although working within a pre-existing framework, Skinner has changed the nature of this very framework in very significant ways. Pavlov was the ancestor, and Watson the father of Skinnerian Behaviorism, but in the final analysis, the system as it stands is his. Professor of Psychology at Harvard University, Skinner has promulgated his position through five books, ranging from methodological description to Utopian speculation (his novel, Walden Two () is the only fiction written, to my knowledge, by a prominent contemporary psychologist), and numerous articles. He has also made significant methodological innovations. Many psychologists may not like his work, but they ignore it at their peril. More than any of the other subjects, except perhaps Maslow, Skinner is a theorist about whom one cannot be neutral. 30 00 Any catalogue of the most creative and important psychologists alive would have to include B. F. Skinner in a prominent position. Not only is he the leading representative of one of the major forces in psychological theory, but his creative accomplishments are such that they are recognized even by those whose positions are totally opposed to his. Although working within a pre-existing framework, Skinner has changed the nature of this very framework in very significant ways. Pavlov was the ancestor, and Watson the father of Skinnerian Behaviorism, but in the final analysis, the system as it stands is his. Professor of Psychology at Harvard University, Skinner has promulgated his position through five books, ranging from methodological description to Utopian speculation (his novel, Walden Two () is the only fiction written, to my knowledge, by a prominent contemporary psychologist), and numerous articles. He has also made significant methodological innovations. Many psychologists may not like his work, but they ignore it at their peril. More than any of the other subjects, except perhaps Maslow, Skinner is a theorist about whom one cannot be neutral. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b408d77 111 126 16 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter IX: Conclusion: A Pluralistic View 1 A01 Larry Gross Larry Gross Professor 40 03taz7m60 University of Southern California 02 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to 03 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to me as a whole is of the variety, the pluralism of backgrounds, development, personality and research interests and activities. But, along with this, and equally important, I feel that there is a possibility for finding some common characteristics, structural if not contentual [sic], which might be relevant to the creative personality and process. 30 00 We have examined a fair amount of autobiographical recollections of their lives and work as reported by six psychologists whom we have reason to consider creative. What, then, is to be concluded from these about the nature of the creative personality and the creative process?The most striking impression that the case-studies present to me as a whole is of the variety, the pluralism of backgrounds, development, personality and research interests and activities. But, along with this, and equally important, I feel that there is a possibility for finding some common characteristics, structural if not contentual [sic], which might be relevant to the creative personality and process. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/creativity Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20230115 Larry Gross 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399146 03 9781951399146 06 15 9781951399115 03 9781951399115 06 15 9781951399122 03 9781951399122 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.apple.com/us/book/creativity/id6445876266?ls=1 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.apple.com/us/book/creativity/id6445876266?ls=1 20 08 20230115 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0BWX1PR9L 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0BWX1PR9L 20 08 20230115 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.google.com/books?id=UESwEAAAQBAJ 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.google.com/books/download/Creativity_Process_and_Personality.epub?id=UESwEAAAQBAJ&output=epub 20 08 20230115 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/creativity 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/creativity1.0/gross-creativity-1964.epub 20 08 20230115 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/creativity 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.60b97b6f.epub 20 08 20230115 01 urn:uuid:d1505888-403c-47a7-aadc-9dcc07d5cd18 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:2d928244-b4c7-495d-8655-75138cef5754 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:d1505888-403c-47a7-aadc-9dcc07d5cd18 15 9781951399436 03 9781951399436 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab11w2 13 2025940341 00 BC 10 01 229 mm 01 22.9 cm 01 9 in 02 152 mm 02 15.2 cm 02 6 in Unspecified 02 https://constantvzw.org/wefts/cc4r.en.html 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 3 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 Defund Culture A Radical Proposal 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 00 97 03 10 ART037000 93 JBCC8 93 JBCC 10 POL028000 93 JPQ 10 POL038000 01 06 02 00 Defund Culture interrogates the structural inequalities embedded in Britain’s cultural institutions, arguing that meaningful transformation requires not just expanding access, but redistributing resources away from elite structures toward more pluralistic, decolonial alternatives. 03 00 Calls to expand public investment in the arts often treat the existing cultural and institutional landscape as a given. Defund Culture challenges this assumption, asking instead what kinds of culture are being supported, through which institutions, and to whose benefit.In pursuing these questions, the book turns attention to the structural inequalities that shape Britain’s creative and intellectual life. Drawing on critical theory, political philosophy, and cultural policy, Gary Hall shows how the dominance of white, male, middle- and upper-class voices in the arts, media, and academy is sustained through longstanding funding arrangements and institutional hierarchies. Expanding access within this system—however well intentioned—will not, on its own, produce structural change.Rather than offering a programme of reform, Defund Culture explores what it might mean to disinvest from cultural institutions as they currently operate. Taking cues from abolitionist calls to defund the police, Hall proposes redistributing resources away from elite institutions and toward more collective, commons-oriented, and radically relational alternatives grounded in redistribution, institutional transformation, and epistemic pluriversality. 30 00 Calls to expand public investment in the arts often treat the existing cultural and institutional landscape as a given. Defund Culture challenges this assumption, asking instead what kinds of culture are being supported, through which institutions, and to whose benefit.In pursuing these questions, the book turns attention to the structural inequalities that shape Britain’s creative and intellectual life. Drawing on critical theory, political philosophy, and cultural policy, Gary Hall shows how the dominance of white, male, middle- and upper-class voices in the arts, media, and academy is sustained through longstanding funding arrangements and institutional hierarchies. Expanding access within this system—however well intentioned—will not, on its own, produce structural change.Rather than offering a programme of reform, Defund Culture explores what it might mean to disinvest from cultural institutions as they currently operate. Taking cues from abolitionist calls to defund the police, Hall proposes redistributing resources away from elite institutions and toward more collective, commons-oriented, and radically relational alternatives grounded in redistribution, institutional transformation, and epistemic pluriversality. 04 00 PART 1: WHY THE ARTS ARE SO WHITE, MALE, AND MIDDLE-CLASS Chapter One: The Culture Wars and Attack on the Arts Chapter Two: Culture Must Be ['Defended' Struck-Through] Defunded Chapter Three: Culture in Ruins: "Are We the Bad Guys?" PART 2: AND HERE’S SOME OF THE THINGS WE CAN DO ABOUT IT Chapter Four: Culture and the University as White, Male, Liberal Humanist Public Space Chapter Five: De-Liberalizing Culture and Theory Chapter Six: Coda References 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab11w2_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab1169 xi xii 2 Chapter 01 01 Preamble 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.cf564554 2 12 11 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: The Culture Wars and Attack on the Arts 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.55241cc0 13 24 12 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: Defund Culture 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.b9b252a7 25 34 10 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Culture in Ruins: “Are We the Bad Guys?” 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.0abf7157 36 48 13 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Culture and the University as White, Male, Liberal Humanist Public Space 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.215ce997 49 65 17 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: De-Liberalizing Culture and Theory 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.dfcde779 66 69 4 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 6: Coda 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.87db8a50 70 85 16 Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/defund-culture-a-radical-proposal Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20260105 Hall, Gary 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399405 03 9781951399405 06 15 9781951399412 03 9781951399412 06 15 9781951399429 03 9781951399429 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399439 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399439 20 08 20260105 02 7.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:ba97ea05-4ff9-4094-949c-45b4205c189d 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:2d928244-b4c7-495d-8655-75138cef5754 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:ba97ea05-4ff9-4094-949c-45b4205c189d 15 9781951399405 03 9781951399405 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab11w2 13 2025940341 00 EB E107 10 Unspecified 02 https://constantvzw.org/wefts/cc4r.en.html 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 3 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 Defund Culture A Radical Proposal 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 00 97 03 10 ART037000 93 JBCC8 93 JBCC 10 POL028000 93 JPQ 10 POL038000 01 06 02 00 Defund Culture interrogates the structural inequalities embedded in Britain’s cultural institutions, arguing that meaningful transformation requires not just expanding access, but redistributing resources away from elite structures toward more pluralistic, decolonial alternatives. 03 00 Calls to expand public investment in the arts often treat the existing cultural and institutional landscape as a given. Defund Culture challenges this assumption, asking instead what kinds of culture are being supported, through which institutions, and to whose benefit.In pursuing these questions, the book turns attention to the structural inequalities that shape Britain’s creative and intellectual life. Drawing on critical theory, political philosophy, and cultural policy, Gary Hall shows how the dominance of white, male, middle- and upper-class voices in the arts, media, and academy is sustained through longstanding funding arrangements and institutional hierarchies. Expanding access within this system—however well intentioned—will not, on its own, produce structural change.Rather than offering a programme of reform, Defund Culture explores what it might mean to disinvest from cultural institutions as they currently operate. Taking cues from abolitionist calls to defund the police, Hall proposes redistributing resources away from elite institutions and toward more collective, commons-oriented, and radically relational alternatives grounded in redistribution, institutional transformation, and epistemic pluriversality. 30 00 Calls to expand public investment in the arts often treat the existing cultural and institutional landscape as a given. Defund Culture challenges this assumption, asking instead what kinds of culture are being supported, through which institutions, and to whose benefit.In pursuing these questions, the book turns attention to the structural inequalities that shape Britain’s creative and intellectual life. Drawing on critical theory, political philosophy, and cultural policy, Gary Hall shows how the dominance of white, male, middle- and upper-class voices in the arts, media, and academy is sustained through longstanding funding arrangements and institutional hierarchies. Expanding access within this system—however well intentioned—will not, on its own, produce structural change.Rather than offering a programme of reform, Defund Culture explores what it might mean to disinvest from cultural institutions as they currently operate. Taking cues from abolitionist calls to defund the police, Hall proposes redistributing resources away from elite institutions and toward more collective, commons-oriented, and radically relational alternatives grounded in redistribution, institutional transformation, and epistemic pluriversality. 04 00 PART 1: WHY THE ARTS ARE SO WHITE, MALE, AND MIDDLE-CLASS Chapter One: The Culture Wars and Attack on the Arts Chapter Two: Culture Must Be ['Defended' Struck-Through] Defunded Chapter Three: Culture in Ruins: "Are We the Bad Guys?" PART 2: AND HERE’S SOME OF THE THINGS WE CAN DO ABOUT IT Chapter Four: Culture and the University as White, Male, Liberal Humanist Public Space Chapter Five: De-Liberalizing Culture and Theory Chapter Six: Coda References 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab11w2_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab1169 xi xii 2 Chapter 01 01 Preamble 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.cf564554 2 12 11 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: The Culture Wars and Attack on the Arts 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.55241cc0 13 24 12 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: Defund Culture 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.b9b252a7 25 34 10 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Culture in Ruins: “Are We the Bad Guys?” 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.0abf7157 36 48 13 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Culture and the University as White, Male, Liberal Humanist Public Space 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.215ce997 49 65 17 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: De-Liberalizing Culture and Theory 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.dfcde779 66 69 4 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 6: Coda 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.87db8a50 70 85 16 Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/defund-culture-a-radical-proposal Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20260105 Hall, Gary 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399436 03 9781951399436 06 15 9781951399412 03 9781951399412 06 15 9781951399429 03 9781951399429 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://libgen.li/edition.php?id=208322541 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://libgen.li/edition.php?id=208322541 20 08 20260105 01 11 GOOGLE_BOOKS 36 GOOGLE_BOOKS: webpage for this product https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=8ge2EQAAQBAJ 29 GOOGLE_BOOKS: download the title https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=8ge2EQAAQBAJ&pg=GBS.PP4&hl=en 20 08 20260105 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/2d928244-b4c7-495d-8655-75138cef5754 29 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: download the title https://archive.org/download/2d928244-b4c7-495d-8655-75138cef5754/2d928244-b4c7-495d-8655-75138cef5754.pdf 20 08 20260105 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/defund-culture-a-radical-proposal 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab11w2.pdf 20 08 20260105 01 urn:uuid:399e8516-9a64-4973-8926-279b2633cc37 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:2d928244-b4c7-495d-8655-75138cef5754 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:399e8516-9a64-4973-8926-279b2633cc37 15 9781951399412 03 9781951399412 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab11w2 13 2025940341 00 EB E105 10 Unspecified 02 https://constantvzw.org/wefts/cc4r.en.html 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 3 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 Defund Culture A Radical Proposal 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 00 97 03 10 ART037000 93 JBCC8 93 JBCC 10 POL028000 93 JPQ 10 POL038000 01 06 02 00 Defund Culture interrogates the structural inequalities embedded in Britain’s cultural institutions, arguing that meaningful transformation requires not just expanding access, but redistributing resources away from elite structures toward more pluralistic, decolonial alternatives. 03 00 Calls to expand public investment in the arts often treat the existing cultural and institutional landscape as a given. Defund Culture challenges this assumption, asking instead what kinds of culture are being supported, through which institutions, and to whose benefit.In pursuing these questions, the book turns attention to the structural inequalities that shape Britain’s creative and intellectual life. Drawing on critical theory, political philosophy, and cultural policy, Gary Hall shows how the dominance of white, male, middle- and upper-class voices in the arts, media, and academy is sustained through longstanding funding arrangements and institutional hierarchies. Expanding access within this system—however well intentioned—will not, on its own, produce structural change.Rather than offering a programme of reform, Defund Culture explores what it might mean to disinvest from cultural institutions as they currently operate. Taking cues from abolitionist calls to defund the police, Hall proposes redistributing resources away from elite institutions and toward more collective, commons-oriented, and radically relational alternatives grounded in redistribution, institutional transformation, and epistemic pluriversality. 30 00 Calls to expand public investment in the arts often treat the existing cultural and institutional landscape as a given. Defund Culture challenges this assumption, asking instead what kinds of culture are being supported, through which institutions, and to whose benefit.In pursuing these questions, the book turns attention to the structural inequalities that shape Britain’s creative and intellectual life. Drawing on critical theory, political philosophy, and cultural policy, Gary Hall shows how the dominance of white, male, middle- and upper-class voices in the arts, media, and academy is sustained through longstanding funding arrangements and institutional hierarchies. Expanding access within this system—however well intentioned—will not, on its own, produce structural change.Rather than offering a programme of reform, Defund Culture explores what it might mean to disinvest from cultural institutions as they currently operate. Taking cues from abolitionist calls to defund the police, Hall proposes redistributing resources away from elite institutions and toward more collective, commons-oriented, and radically relational alternatives grounded in redistribution, institutional transformation, and epistemic pluriversality. 04 00 PART 1: WHY THE ARTS ARE SO WHITE, MALE, AND MIDDLE-CLASS Chapter One: The Culture Wars and Attack on the Arts Chapter Two: Culture Must Be ['Defended' Struck-Through] Defunded Chapter Three: Culture in Ruins: "Are We the Bad Guys?" PART 2: AND HERE’S SOME OF THE THINGS WE CAN DO ABOUT IT Chapter Four: Culture and the University as White, Male, Liberal Humanist Public Space Chapter Five: De-Liberalizing Culture and Theory Chapter Six: Coda References 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab11w2_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab1169 xi xii 2 Chapter 01 01 Preamble 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.cf564554 2 12 11 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: The Culture Wars and Attack on the Arts 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.55241cc0 13 24 12 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: Defund Culture 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.b9b252a7 25 34 10 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Culture in Ruins: “Are We the Bad Guys?” 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.0abf7157 36 48 13 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Culture and the University as White, Male, Liberal Humanist Public Space 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.215ce997 49 65 17 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: De-Liberalizing Culture and Theory 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.dfcde779 66 69 4 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 6: Coda 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.87db8a50 70 85 16 Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! 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His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 00 97 03 10 ART037000 93 JBCC8 93 JBCC 10 POL028000 93 JPQ 10 POL038000 01 06 02 00 Defund Culture interrogates the structural inequalities embedded in Britain’s cultural institutions, arguing that meaningful transformation requires not just expanding access, but redistributing resources away from elite structures toward more pluralistic, decolonial alternatives. 03 00 Calls to expand public investment in the arts often treat the existing cultural and institutional landscape as a given. Defund Culture challenges this assumption, asking instead what kinds of culture are being supported, through which institutions, and to whose benefit.In pursuing these questions, the book turns attention to the structural inequalities that shape Britain’s creative and intellectual life. Drawing on critical theory, political philosophy, and cultural policy, Gary Hall shows how the dominance of white, male, middle- and upper-class voices in the arts, media, and academy is sustained through longstanding funding arrangements and institutional hierarchies. Expanding access within this system—however well intentioned—will not, on its own, produce structural change.Rather than offering a programme of reform, Defund Culture explores what it might mean to disinvest from cultural institutions as they currently operate. Taking cues from abolitionist calls to defund the police, Hall proposes redistributing resources away from elite institutions and toward more collective, commons-oriented, and radically relational alternatives grounded in redistribution, institutional transformation, and epistemic pluriversality. 30 00 Calls to expand public investment in the arts often treat the existing cultural and institutional landscape as a given. Defund Culture challenges this assumption, asking instead what kinds of culture are being supported, through which institutions, and to whose benefit.In pursuing these questions, the book turns attention to the structural inequalities that shape Britain’s creative and intellectual life. Drawing on critical theory, political philosophy, and cultural policy, Gary Hall shows how the dominance of white, male, middle- and upper-class voices in the arts, media, and academy is sustained through longstanding funding arrangements and institutional hierarchies. Expanding access within this system—however well intentioned—will not, on its own, produce structural change.Rather than offering a programme of reform, Defund Culture explores what it might mean to disinvest from cultural institutions as they currently operate. Taking cues from abolitionist calls to defund the police, Hall proposes redistributing resources away from elite institutions and toward more collective, commons-oriented, and radically relational alternatives grounded in redistribution, institutional transformation, and epistemic pluriversality. 04 00 PART 1: WHY THE ARTS ARE SO WHITE, MALE, AND MIDDLE-CLASS Chapter One: The Culture Wars and Attack on the Arts Chapter Two: Culture Must Be ['Defended' Struck-Through] Defunded Chapter Three: Culture in Ruins: "Are We the Bad Guys?" PART 2: AND HERE’S SOME OF THE THINGS WE CAN DO ABOUT IT Chapter Four: Culture and the University as White, Male, Liberal Humanist Public Space Chapter Five: De-Liberalizing Culture and Theory Chapter Six: Coda References 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab11w2_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab1169 xi xii 2 Chapter 01 01 Preamble 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.cf564554 2 12 11 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: The Culture Wars and Attack on the Arts 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.55241cc0 13 24 12 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: Defund Culture 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.b9b252a7 25 34 10 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Culture in Ruins: “Are We the Bad Guys?” 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.0abf7157 36 48 13 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Culture and the University as White, Male, Liberal Humanist Public Space 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.215ce997 49 65 17 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: De-Liberalizing Culture and Theory 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.dfcde779 66 69 4 Chapter 01 01 Chapter 6: Coda 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.87db8a50 70 85 16 Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 Gary Hall Gary Hall 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Gary Hall is Professor of Media and Performing Arts and Executive Director of the Centre for Postdigital Cultures at Coventry University. His work sits at the intersection of critical theory, media philosophy, and cultural politics. He is the author of Culture in Bits (2002), Digitize This Book! (2008), and Pirate Philosophy (2016), and co‑founder of the open-access journal Culture Machine and Open Humanities Press. 01 eng 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/defund-culture-a-radical-proposal Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20260105 Hall, Gary 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399436 03 9781951399436 06 15 9781951399405 03 9781951399405 06 15 9781951399412 03 9781951399412 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6757938338 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6757938338 20 08 20260105 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6758557716 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6758557716 20 08 20260105 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/defund-culture-a-radical-proposal 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.67ab11w2.epub 20 08 20260105 01 urn:uuid:7f674645-33bb-4e93-b574-7929eeadb540 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:31013990-a16b-40fe-a807-6debaf27dfb0 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:7f674645-33bb-4e93-b574-7929eeadb540 15 9781951399283 03 9781951399283 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.f1e0489e 13 2024931261 00 BC 10 01 229 mm 01 22.9 cm 01 9 in 02 152 mm 02 15.2 cm 02 6 in Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ (introduction, chapter introductions); https://creativecommons.org/public-domain/cc0/ (other materials) 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 6 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine Selected Readings, 1895–1935 1 B01 Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons is professor emeritus at the Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications at Penn State. 01 eng 00 330 03 09 1 93 JMH 10 SOC052000 93 JMT 10 PSY031000 93 JBCT 10 POL049000 01 06 02 00 Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935 consists of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s on the concept of “suggestion” 03 00 While much has been written on the history of media effects research in the United States, a casual review of the literature could reasonably lead one to believe that little if any such work was conducted until the 1940s. Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935, consisting of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s, demonstrates the rich and varied study of media effects before mid-century—much of it centered on the concept of “suggestion.” What media scholars know today as “persuasion,” social psychologists of the early 1900s would have understood as the process of suggestion. The works collected in Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine include the original statements on the subject from many of the leading social theorists of the age, among them figures such as Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon in France and James Baldwin, Edward Ross, and Floyd Allport in the United States. 30 00 While much has been written on the history of media effects research in the United States, a casual review of the literature could reasonably lead one to believe that little if any such work was conducted until the 1940s. Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935, consisting of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s, demonstrates the rich and varied study of media effects before mid-century—much of it centered on the concept of “suggestion.” What media scholars know today as “persuasion,” social psychologists of the early 1900s would have understood as the process of suggestion. The works collected in Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine include the original statements on the subject from many of the leading social theorists of the age, among them figures such as Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon in France and James Baldwin, Edward Ross, and Floyd Allport in the United States. 04 00 Introduction: An Overview of the Origins and Evolution of Suggestion Theory 1 Patrick Parsons Part Two: Foundations The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1896) 13 Gustave Le Bon The Laws of Imitation (1903) 23 Gabriel Tarde The Imitative Functions and Their Place in Human Nature (1894) 31 Josiah Royce Mental Development of the Child and the Race (1911) 43 James Mark Baldwin The Psychology of Suggestion (1898) 54 Boris Sidis Social Psychology: An Outline and Sourcebook (1908) 64 Edward Alsworth Ross A Sociological Definition of Suggestion (1921), Definition of Imitation (1921), & Attention, Interest, and Imitation (1921) 75 W. V. Bechterew, Charles Judd, and George Stout The Need for Social Psychology (1917) 90 John Dewey Part Three: Evolutions & Variations An Introduction to Social Psychology (1913) 101 William McDougall Instincts of the Herd in War and Peace (1917) 112 Wilfred Trotter The Original Nature of Man (1913) 122 Edward Lee Thorndike Social Psychology (1924) 128 Floyd Henry Allport Suggestion and Suggestibility (1919) 139 Robert H. Gault Suggestion and Suggestibility (1920) 147 Edmund Prideaux The Comparative Influence of Majority and Expert Opinion (1921) 159 Henry T. Moore The Psychology of Belief: A Study of Its Emotional, and Volitional Determinants (1925) 165 Frederick Lund Social Psychology (1925) & The Concept of Imitation (1926) 173 Knight Dunlap and Ellsworth Faris An Introduction to Social Psychology (1922) 185 Charles A. Ellwood An Introduction to Social Psychology (1926) 198 Luther Lee Bernard Principles of Sociology (1928) 213 Frederick Elmore Lumley Social Psychology (1931) 223 Ernest Théodore Krueger and Walter C. Reckless The Influence of Newspaper Presentations Upon the Growth of Crime and Other Anti-Social Activity (1910 & 1911) 234 Frances Fenton Part Four: Applications The Psychology of Persuasion (1920) 255 William Macpherson The Control of the Social Mind (1923) 268 Arland Deyett Weeks Control of Propaganda as a Psychological Problem (1922) 277 Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. The Theory of Political Propaganda (1927) 288 Harold D. Lasswell The Psychology of Advertising (1913) 295 Walter Dill Scott The Conditions of the Belief in Advertising (1923) 301 Albert T. Poffenberger The Psychology of the Audience (1935) 308 Harry L. Hollingworth 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.f1e0489e_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4d5690b1 1 9 9 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction: An Overview of the Origins and Evolution of Suggestion Theory 1 A01 Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons 40 04p491231 Pennsylvania State University Patrick Parsons is professor emeritus at the Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications at Penn State. 20 00 Open Access Patrick Parsons 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.341cc513 13 22 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1896) 1 A01 Gustav Le Bon Gustav Le Bon 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.599a9b4f 23 30 8 Chapter 01 01 The Laws of Imitation (1903) 1 A01 Gabriel Tarde Gabriel Tarde 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.efe12397 31 42 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Imitative Functions and Their Place in Human Nature (1894) 1 A01 Josiah Royce Josiah Royce 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5920b1c1 43 53 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Mental Development of the Child and the Race (1911) 1 A01 James Mark Baldwin James Mark Baldwin 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.0833a26c 54 63 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Suggestion (1898) 1 A01 Boris Sidis Boris Sidis 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.8284aa5c 64 74 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology: An Outline and Sourcebook (1908) 1 A01 Edward Alsworth Ross Edward Alsworth Ross 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.7d33c030 75 89 15 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 A Sociological Definition of Suggestion (1921), Definition of Imitation (1921), & Attention, Interest, and Imitation (1921) 1 A01 W. V. Bechterew W. V. Bechterew 2 A01 Charles Judd Charles Judd 3 A01 George Stout George Stout 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c027b9c7 90 96 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Need for Social Psychology (1917) 1 A01 John Dewey John Dewey 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.01a9626f 101 1111 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1913) 1 A01 William McDougall William McDougall 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.88af2bc3 112 121 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Instincts of the Herd in War and Peace (1917) 1 A01 Wilfred Trotter Wilfred Trotter 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.62e65f4d 122 127 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Original Nature of Man (1913) 1 A01 Edward Lee Thorndike Edward Lee Thorndike 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.bdc0b8ae 128 138 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1924) 1 A01 Floyd Henry Allport Floyd Henry Allport 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.81bfc4e5 139 146 8 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Suggestion and Suggestibility (1919) 1 A01 Robert H. Gault Robert H. Gault 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5d18b10c 147 158 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Suggestion and Suggestibility (1920) 1 A01 Edmund Prideaux Edmund Prideaux 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.93319526 159 164 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Comparative Influence of Majority and Expert Opinion (1921) 1 A01 Henry T. Moore Henry T. Moore 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5599c88b 165 172 8 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Belief: A Study of Its Emotional, and Volitional Determinants (1925) 1 A01 Frederick Lund Frederick Lund 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1dd528f9 173 184 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1925) & The Concept of Imitation (1926) 1 A01 Knight Dunlap Knight Dunlap 2 A01 Ellsworth Faris Ellsworth Faris 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.aa5cbaf4 185 197 13 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1922) 1 A01 Charles A. Ellwood Charles A. Ellwood 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5704b2cf 198 212 15 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1926) 1 A01 Luther Lee Bernard Luther Lee Bernard 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4afc8ed1 213 222 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Principles of Sociology (1928) 1 A01 Frederick Elmore Lumley Frederick Elmore Lumley 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ef593372 223 233 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1931) 1 A01 Ernest Théodore Krueger Ernest Théodore Krueger 2 A01 Walter C. Reckless Walter C. Reckless 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a04aa452 234 250 17 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Influence of Newspaper Presentations Upon the Growth of Crime and Other Anti-Social Activity (1910 & 1911) 1 A01 Frances Fenton Frances Fenton 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2e86f19e 255 267 13 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Persuasion (1920) 1 A01 William Macpherson William Macpherson 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fd27f689 268 276 9 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Control of the Social Mind (1923) 1 A01 Arland Deyett Weeks Arland Deyett Weeks 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.b17c1706 277 287 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Control of Propaganda as a Psychological Problem (1922) 1 A01 Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. 20 00 Open Access 27 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.87427e49 288 294 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Theory of Political Propaganda (1927) 1 A01 Harold D. Lasswell Harold D. Lasswell 20 00 Open Access 28 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.cd452bea 295 300 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Advertising (1913) 1 A01 Walter Dill Scott Walter Dill Scott 20 00 Open Access 29 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b1869cd 301 307 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Conditions of the Belief in Advertising (1923) 1 A01 Albert T. Poffenberger Albert T. Poffenberger 20 00 Open Access 30 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3fc4466c 308 317 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of the Audience (1935) 1 A01 Harry L. Hollingworth Harry L. Hollingworth 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/early-media-effects-theory-the-suggestion-doctrine Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20241228 Parsons, Patrick (introduction, chapter introductions) 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399269 03 9781951399269 06 15 9781951399276 03 9781951399276 06 15 9781951399290 03 9781951399290 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399285?ref_=pe_93986420_774957520 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399285?ref_=pe_93986420_774957520 20 08 20241228 02 15.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:2e08255e-e803-429a-8356-e854a7105f66 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:31013990-a16b-40fe-a807-6debaf27dfb0 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:2e08255e-e803-429a-8356-e854a7105f66 15 9781951399269 03 9781951399269 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.f1e0489e 13 2024931261 00 EB E107 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ (introduction, chapter introductions); https://creativecommons.org/public-domain/cc0/ (other materials) 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 6 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine Selected Readings, 1895–1935 1 B01 Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons is professor emeritus at the Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications at Penn State. 01 eng 00 330 03 09 1 93 JMH 10 SOC052000 93 JMT 10 PSY031000 93 JBCT 10 POL049000 01 06 02 00 Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935 consists of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s on the concept of “suggestion” 03 00 While much has been written on the history of media effects research in the United States, a casual review of the literature could reasonably lead one to believe that little if any such work was conducted until the 1940s. Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935, consisting of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s, demonstrates the rich and varied study of media effects before mid-century—much of it centered on the concept of “suggestion.” What media scholars know today as “persuasion,” social psychologists of the early 1900s would have understood as the process of suggestion. The works collected in Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine include the original statements on the subject from many of the leading social theorists of the age, among them figures such as Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon in France and James Baldwin, Edward Ross, and Floyd Allport in the United States. 30 00 While much has been written on the history of media effects research in the United States, a casual review of the literature could reasonably lead one to believe that little if any such work was conducted until the 1940s. Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935, consisting of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s, demonstrates the rich and varied study of media effects before mid-century—much of it centered on the concept of “suggestion.” What media scholars know today as “persuasion,” social psychologists of the early 1900s would have understood as the process of suggestion. The works collected in Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine include the original statements on the subject from many of the leading social theorists of the age, among them figures such as Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon in France and James Baldwin, Edward Ross, and Floyd Allport in the United States. 04 00 Introduction: An Overview of the Origins and Evolution of Suggestion Theory 1 Patrick Parsons Part Two: Foundations The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1896) 13 Gustave Le Bon The Laws of Imitation (1903) 23 Gabriel Tarde The Imitative Functions and Their Place in Human Nature (1894) 31 Josiah Royce Mental Development of the Child and the Race (1911) 43 James Mark Baldwin The Psychology of Suggestion (1898) 54 Boris Sidis Social Psychology: An Outline and Sourcebook (1908) 64 Edward Alsworth Ross A Sociological Definition of Suggestion (1921), Definition of Imitation (1921), & Attention, Interest, and Imitation (1921) 75 W. V. Bechterew, Charles Judd, and George Stout The Need for Social Psychology (1917) 90 John Dewey Part Three: Evolutions & Variations An Introduction to Social Psychology (1913) 101 William McDougall Instincts of the Herd in War and Peace (1917) 112 Wilfred Trotter The Original Nature of Man (1913) 122 Edward Lee Thorndike Social Psychology (1924) 128 Floyd Henry Allport Suggestion and Suggestibility (1919) 139 Robert H. Gault Suggestion and Suggestibility (1920) 147 Edmund Prideaux The Comparative Influence of Majority and Expert Opinion (1921) 159 Henry T. Moore The Psychology of Belief: A Study of Its Emotional, and Volitional Determinants (1925) 165 Frederick Lund Social Psychology (1925) & The Concept of Imitation (1926) 173 Knight Dunlap and Ellsworth Faris An Introduction to Social Psychology (1922) 185 Charles A. Ellwood An Introduction to Social Psychology (1926) 198 Luther Lee Bernard Principles of Sociology (1928) 213 Frederick Elmore Lumley Social Psychology (1931) 223 Ernest Théodore Krueger and Walter C. Reckless The Influence of Newspaper Presentations Upon the Growth of Crime and Other Anti-Social Activity (1910 & 1911) 234 Frances Fenton Part Four: Applications The Psychology of Persuasion (1920) 255 William Macpherson The Control of the Social Mind (1923) 268 Arland Deyett Weeks Control of Propaganda as a Psychological Problem (1922) 277 Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. The Theory of Political Propaganda (1927) 288 Harold D. Lasswell The Psychology of Advertising (1913) 295 Walter Dill Scott The Conditions of the Belief in Advertising (1923) 301 Albert T. Poffenberger The Psychology of the Audience (1935) 308 Harry L. Hollingworth 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.f1e0489e_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4d5690b1 1 9 9 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction: An Overview of the Origins and Evolution of Suggestion Theory 1 A01 Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons 40 04p491231 Pennsylvania State University Patrick Parsons is professor emeritus at the Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications at Penn State. 20 00 Open Access Patrick Parsons 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.341cc513 13 22 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1896) 1 A01 Gustav Le Bon Gustav Le Bon 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.599a9b4f 23 30 8 Chapter 01 01 The Laws of Imitation (1903) 1 A01 Gabriel Tarde Gabriel Tarde 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.efe12397 31 42 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Imitative Functions and Their Place in Human Nature (1894) 1 A01 Josiah Royce Josiah Royce 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5920b1c1 43 53 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Mental Development of the Child and the Race (1911) 1 A01 James Mark Baldwin James Mark Baldwin 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.0833a26c 54 63 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Suggestion (1898) 1 A01 Boris Sidis Boris Sidis 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.8284aa5c 64 74 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology: An Outline and Sourcebook (1908) 1 A01 Edward Alsworth Ross Edward Alsworth Ross 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.7d33c030 75 89 15 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 A Sociological Definition of Suggestion (1921), Definition of Imitation (1921), & Attention, Interest, and Imitation (1921) 1 A01 W. V. Bechterew W. V. Bechterew 2 A01 Charles Judd Charles Judd 3 A01 George Stout George Stout 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c027b9c7 90 96 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Need for Social Psychology (1917) 1 A01 John Dewey John Dewey 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.01a9626f 101 1111 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1913) 1 A01 William McDougall William McDougall 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.88af2bc3 112 121 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Instincts of the Herd in War and Peace (1917) 1 A01 Wilfred Trotter Wilfred Trotter 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.62e65f4d 122 127 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Original Nature of Man (1913) 1 A01 Edward Lee Thorndike Edward Lee Thorndike 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.bdc0b8ae 128 138 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1924) 1 A01 Floyd Henry Allport Floyd Henry Allport 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.81bfc4e5 139 146 8 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Suggestion and Suggestibility (1919) 1 A01 Robert H. Gault Robert H. Gault 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5d18b10c 147 158 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Suggestion and Suggestibility (1920) 1 A01 Edmund Prideaux Edmund Prideaux 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.93319526 159 164 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Comparative Influence of Majority and Expert Opinion (1921) 1 A01 Henry T. Moore Henry T. Moore 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5599c88b 165 172 8 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Belief: A Study of Its Emotional, and Volitional Determinants (1925) 1 A01 Frederick Lund Frederick Lund 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1dd528f9 173 184 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1925) & The Concept of Imitation (1926) 1 A01 Knight Dunlap Knight Dunlap 2 A01 Ellsworth Faris Ellsworth Faris 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.aa5cbaf4 185 197 13 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1922) 1 A01 Charles A. Ellwood Charles A. Ellwood 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5704b2cf 198 212 15 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1926) 1 A01 Luther Lee Bernard Luther Lee Bernard 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4afc8ed1 213 222 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Principles of Sociology (1928) 1 A01 Frederick Elmore Lumley Frederick Elmore Lumley 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ef593372 223 233 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1931) 1 A01 Ernest Théodore Krueger Ernest Théodore Krueger 2 A01 Walter C. Reckless Walter C. Reckless 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a04aa452 234 250 17 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Influence of Newspaper Presentations Upon the Growth of Crime and Other Anti-Social Activity (1910 & 1911) 1 A01 Frances Fenton Frances Fenton 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2e86f19e 255 267 13 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Persuasion (1920) 1 A01 William Macpherson William Macpherson 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fd27f689 268 276 9 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Control of the Social Mind (1923) 1 A01 Arland Deyett Weeks Arland Deyett Weeks 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.b17c1706 277 287 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Control of Propaganda as a Psychological Problem (1922) 1 A01 Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. 20 00 Open Access 27 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.87427e49 288 294 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Theory of Political Propaganda (1927) 1 A01 Harold D. Lasswell Harold D. Lasswell 20 00 Open Access 28 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.cd452bea 295 300 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Advertising (1913) 1 A01 Walter Dill Scott Walter Dill Scott 20 00 Open Access 29 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b1869cd 301 307 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Conditions of the Belief in Advertising (1923) 1 A01 Albert T. Poffenberger Albert T. Poffenberger 20 00 Open Access 30 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3fc4466c 308 317 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of the Audience (1935) 1 A01 Harry L. Hollingworth Harry L. Hollingworth 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/early-media-effects-theory-the-suggestion-doctrine Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20241228 Parsons, Patrick (introduction, chapter introductions) 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399283 03 9781951399283 06 15 9781951399276 03 9781951399276 06 15 9781951399290 03 9781951399290 WORLD 11 PROJECT_MUSE 36 PROJECT_MUSE: webpage for this product https://muse.jhu.edu/book/132371 29 PROJECT_MUSE: download the title https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/351/oa_edited_volume/book/132371/pdf 20 08 20241228 01 11 OAPEN 36 OAPEN: webpage for this product https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/96924 29 OAPEN: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/96924/parsons-early-media-effects-2024.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y 20 08 20241228 01 11 DOAB 36 DOAB: webpage for this product https://directory.doabooks.org/handle/20.500.12854/150237 29 DOAB: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/20.500.12657/96924/1/parsons-early-media-effects-2024.pdf 20 08 20241228 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://libgen.is/book/index.php?md5=1061ABF8FFDD98C026C75E60199BD8E0 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://libgen.is/book/index.php?md5=1061ABF8FFDD98C026C75E60199BD8E0 20 08 20241228 01 11 GOOGLE_BOOKS 36 GOOGLE_BOOKS: webpage for this product https://books.google.com/books?id=SPk5EQAAQBAJ&newbks=0&hl=en&source=newbks_fb 29 GOOGLE_BOOKS: download the title https://books.googleusercontent.com/books/content?req=AKW5QaelVpn93T60TyOrYgrkEsV1zFTYvMmW3X8pot7qz9a_3ep8QGXXMWQjyymz8AvrqZ45X_AnlpGEawxXVB8aVq6uuKSuC4Eq0BEZlEcDxFlPGo1Jy5D0VqsED-R7r2nd-mMBGkEBu5jpIMV1bIgvfUMCmQ7L2tAgMyZuOcYMeMTJxH6GwPGBU10h79am0ZNPvcpiC7FRRr1bsR7eZq1FjxjvQ6hwVWfHVV91ShIJgc2CpOxWHMeb5JUuIRJKFVF3gH5zlihjzDJKn9-UNeKbdoA1xeBzDWDb52cFU4wCTrI5VJksFVQ 20 08 20241228 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/31013990-a16b-40fe-a807-6debaf27dfb0 29 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: download the title https://archive.org/download/31013990-a16b-40fe-a807-6debaf27dfb0/31013990-a16b-40fe-a807-6debaf27dfb0.pdf 20 08 20241228 01 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/early-media-effects-theory-the-suggestion-doctrine 29 Publisher's website: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/early1.0/parsons-early-media-effects-2024.pdf 20 08 20241228 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/early-media-effects-theory-the-suggestion-doctrine 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.f1e0489e.pdf 20 08 20241228 01 urn:uuid:219e9d8c-d6f9-4466-97ce-1efb08b77492 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:31013990-a16b-40fe-a807-6debaf27dfb0 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:219e9d8c-d6f9-4466-97ce-1efb08b77492 15 9781951399276 03 9781951399276 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.f1e0489e 13 2024931261 00 EB E105 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ (introduction, chapter introductions); https://creativecommons.org/public-domain/cc0/ (other materials) 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 6 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine Selected Readings, 1895–1935 1 B01 Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons is professor emeritus at the Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications at Penn State. 01 eng 00 330 03 09 1 93 JMH 10 SOC052000 93 JMT 10 PSY031000 93 JBCT 10 POL049000 01 06 02 00 Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935 consists of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s on the concept of “suggestion” 03 00 While much has been written on the history of media effects research in the United States, a casual review of the literature could reasonably lead one to believe that little if any such work was conducted until the 1940s. Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935, consisting of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s, demonstrates the rich and varied study of media effects before mid-century—much of it centered on the concept of “suggestion.” What media scholars know today as “persuasion,” social psychologists of the early 1900s would have understood as the process of suggestion. The works collected in Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine include the original statements on the subject from many of the leading social theorists of the age, among them figures such as Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon in France and James Baldwin, Edward Ross, and Floyd Allport in the United States. 30 00 While much has been written on the history of media effects research in the United States, a casual review of the literature could reasonably lead one to believe that little if any such work was conducted until the 1940s. Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935, consisting of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s, demonstrates the rich and varied study of media effects before mid-century—much of it centered on the concept of “suggestion.” What media scholars know today as “persuasion,” social psychologists of the early 1900s would have understood as the process of suggestion. The works collected in Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine include the original statements on the subject from many of the leading social theorists of the age, among them figures such as Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon in France and James Baldwin, Edward Ross, and Floyd Allport in the United States. 04 00 Introduction: An Overview of the Origins and Evolution of Suggestion Theory 1 Patrick Parsons Part Two: Foundations The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1896) 13 Gustave Le Bon The Laws of Imitation (1903) 23 Gabriel Tarde The Imitative Functions and Their Place in Human Nature (1894) 31 Josiah Royce Mental Development of the Child and the Race (1911) 43 James Mark Baldwin The Psychology of Suggestion (1898) 54 Boris Sidis Social Psychology: An Outline and Sourcebook (1908) 64 Edward Alsworth Ross A Sociological Definition of Suggestion (1921), Definition of Imitation (1921), & Attention, Interest, and Imitation (1921) 75 W. V. Bechterew, Charles Judd, and George Stout The Need for Social Psychology (1917) 90 John Dewey Part Three: Evolutions & Variations An Introduction to Social Psychology (1913) 101 William McDougall Instincts of the Herd in War and Peace (1917) 112 Wilfred Trotter The Original Nature of Man (1913) 122 Edward Lee Thorndike Social Psychology (1924) 128 Floyd Henry Allport Suggestion and Suggestibility (1919) 139 Robert H. Gault Suggestion and Suggestibility (1920) 147 Edmund Prideaux The Comparative Influence of Majority and Expert Opinion (1921) 159 Henry T. Moore The Psychology of Belief: A Study of Its Emotional, and Volitional Determinants (1925) 165 Frederick Lund Social Psychology (1925) & The Concept of Imitation (1926) 173 Knight Dunlap and Ellsworth Faris An Introduction to Social Psychology (1922) 185 Charles A. Ellwood An Introduction to Social Psychology (1926) 198 Luther Lee Bernard Principles of Sociology (1928) 213 Frederick Elmore Lumley Social Psychology (1931) 223 Ernest Théodore Krueger and Walter C. Reckless The Influence of Newspaper Presentations Upon the Growth of Crime and Other Anti-Social Activity (1910 & 1911) 234 Frances Fenton Part Four: Applications The Psychology of Persuasion (1920) 255 William Macpherson The Control of the Social Mind (1923) 268 Arland Deyett Weeks Control of Propaganda as a Psychological Problem (1922) 277 Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. The Theory of Political Propaganda (1927) 288 Harold D. Lasswell The Psychology of Advertising (1913) 295 Walter Dill Scott The Conditions of the Belief in Advertising (1923) 301 Albert T. Poffenberger The Psychology of the Audience (1935) 308 Harry L. Hollingworth 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.f1e0489e_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4d5690b1 1 9 9 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction: An Overview of the Origins and Evolution of Suggestion Theory 1 A01 Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons 40 04p491231 Pennsylvania State University Patrick Parsons is professor emeritus at the Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications at Penn State. 20 00 Open Access Patrick Parsons 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.341cc513 13 22 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1896) 1 A01 Gustav Le Bon Gustav Le Bon 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.599a9b4f 23 30 8 Chapter 01 01 The Laws of Imitation (1903) 1 A01 Gabriel Tarde Gabriel Tarde 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.efe12397 31 42 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Imitative Functions and Their Place in Human Nature (1894) 1 A01 Josiah Royce Josiah Royce 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5920b1c1 43 53 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Mental Development of the Child and the Race (1911) 1 A01 James Mark Baldwin James Mark Baldwin 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.0833a26c 54 63 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Suggestion (1898) 1 A01 Boris Sidis Boris Sidis 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.8284aa5c 64 74 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology: An Outline and Sourcebook (1908) 1 A01 Edward Alsworth Ross Edward Alsworth Ross 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.7d33c030 75 89 15 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 A Sociological Definition of Suggestion (1921), Definition of Imitation (1921), & Attention, Interest, and Imitation (1921) 1 A01 W. V. Bechterew W. V. Bechterew 2 A01 Charles Judd Charles Judd 3 A01 George Stout George Stout 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c027b9c7 90 96 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Need for Social Psychology (1917) 1 A01 John Dewey John Dewey 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.01a9626f 101 1111 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1913) 1 A01 William McDougall William McDougall 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.88af2bc3 112 121 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Instincts of the Herd in War and Peace (1917) 1 A01 Wilfred Trotter Wilfred Trotter 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.62e65f4d 122 127 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Original Nature of Man (1913) 1 A01 Edward Lee Thorndike Edward Lee Thorndike 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.bdc0b8ae 128 138 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1924) 1 A01 Floyd Henry Allport Floyd Henry Allport 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.81bfc4e5 139 146 8 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Suggestion and Suggestibility (1919) 1 A01 Robert H. Gault Robert H. Gault 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5d18b10c 147 158 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Suggestion and Suggestibility (1920) 1 A01 Edmund Prideaux Edmund Prideaux 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.93319526 159 164 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Comparative Influence of Majority and Expert Opinion (1921) 1 A01 Henry T. Moore Henry T. Moore 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5599c88b 165 172 8 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Belief: A Study of Its Emotional, and Volitional Determinants (1925) 1 A01 Frederick Lund Frederick Lund 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1dd528f9 173 184 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1925) & The Concept of Imitation (1926) 1 A01 Knight Dunlap Knight Dunlap 2 A01 Ellsworth Faris Ellsworth Faris 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.aa5cbaf4 185 197 13 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1922) 1 A01 Charles A. Ellwood Charles A. Ellwood 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5704b2cf 198 212 15 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1926) 1 A01 Luther Lee Bernard Luther Lee Bernard 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4afc8ed1 213 222 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Principles of Sociology (1928) 1 A01 Frederick Elmore Lumley Frederick Elmore Lumley 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ef593372 223 233 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1931) 1 A01 Ernest Théodore Krueger Ernest Théodore Krueger 2 A01 Walter C. Reckless Walter C. Reckless 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a04aa452 234 250 17 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Influence of Newspaper Presentations Upon the Growth of Crime and Other Anti-Social Activity (1910 & 1911) 1 A01 Frances Fenton Frances Fenton 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2e86f19e 255 267 13 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Persuasion (1920) 1 A01 William Macpherson William Macpherson 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fd27f689 268 276 9 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Control of the Social Mind (1923) 1 A01 Arland Deyett Weeks Arland Deyett Weeks 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.b17c1706 277 287 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Control of Propaganda as a Psychological Problem (1922) 1 A01 Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. 20 00 Open Access 27 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.87427e49 288 294 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Theory of Political Propaganda (1927) 1 A01 Harold D. Lasswell Harold D. Lasswell 20 00 Open Access 28 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.cd452bea 295 300 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Advertising (1913) 1 A01 Walter Dill Scott Walter Dill Scott 20 00 Open Access 29 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b1869cd 301 307 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Conditions of the Belief in Advertising (1923) 1 A01 Albert T. Poffenberger Albert T. Poffenberger 20 00 Open Access 30 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3fc4466c 308 317 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of the Audience (1935) 1 A01 Harry L. Hollingworth Harry L. Hollingworth 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/early-media-effects-theory-the-suggestion-doctrine Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20241228 Parsons, Patrick (introduction, chapter introductions) 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399283 03 9781951399283 06 15 9781951399269 03 9781951399269 06 15 9781951399290 03 9781951399290 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/early-media-effects-theory-the-suggestion-doctrine 29 Publisher's website: download the title https://www.mediastudies.press/early-media-effects-theory-the-suggestion-doctrine 20 08 20241228 01 urn:uuid:772a81fd-8fcb-44a4-af33-3e28a2bd503a 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:31013990-a16b-40fe-a807-6debaf27dfb0 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:772a81fd-8fcb-44a4-af33-3e28a2bd503a 15 9781951399290 03 9781951399290 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.f1e0489e 13 2024931261 00 EB E101 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ (introduction, chapter introductions); https://creativecommons.org/public-domain/cc0/ (other materials) 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 6 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine Selected Readings, 1895–1935 1 B01 Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons is professor emeritus at the Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications at Penn State. 01 eng 00 330 03 09 1 93 JMH 10 SOC052000 93 JMT 10 PSY031000 93 JBCT 10 POL049000 01 06 02 00 Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935 consists of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s on the concept of “suggestion” 03 00 While much has been written on the history of media effects research in the United States, a casual review of the literature could reasonably lead one to believe that little if any such work was conducted until the 1940s. Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935, consisting of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s, demonstrates the rich and varied study of media effects before mid-century—much of it centered on the concept of “suggestion.” What media scholars know today as “persuasion,” social psychologists of the early 1900s would have understood as the process of suggestion. The works collected in Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine include the original statements on the subject from many of the leading social theorists of the age, among them figures such as Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon in France and James Baldwin, Edward Ross, and Floyd Allport in the United States. 30 00 While much has been written on the history of media effects research in the United States, a casual review of the literature could reasonably lead one to believe that little if any such work was conducted until the 1940s. Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine: Selected Readings, 1895–1935, consisting of over 30 public domain works originally publishing from the late 19th century to the mid-1930s, demonstrates the rich and varied study of media effects before mid-century—much of it centered on the concept of “suggestion.” What media scholars know today as “persuasion,” social psychologists of the early 1900s would have understood as the process of suggestion. The works collected in Early Media Effects Theory & the Suggestion Doctrine include the original statements on the subject from many of the leading social theorists of the age, among them figures such as Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon in France and James Baldwin, Edward Ross, and Floyd Allport in the United States. 04 00 Introduction: An Overview of the Origins and Evolution of Suggestion Theory 1 Patrick Parsons Part Two: Foundations The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1896) 13 Gustave Le Bon The Laws of Imitation (1903) 23 Gabriel Tarde The Imitative Functions and Their Place in Human Nature (1894) 31 Josiah Royce Mental Development of the Child and the Race (1911) 43 James Mark Baldwin The Psychology of Suggestion (1898) 54 Boris Sidis Social Psychology: An Outline and Sourcebook (1908) 64 Edward Alsworth Ross A Sociological Definition of Suggestion (1921), Definition of Imitation (1921), & Attention, Interest, and Imitation (1921) 75 W. V. Bechterew, Charles Judd, and George Stout The Need for Social Psychology (1917) 90 John Dewey Part Three: Evolutions & Variations An Introduction to Social Psychology (1913) 101 William McDougall Instincts of the Herd in War and Peace (1917) 112 Wilfred Trotter The Original Nature of Man (1913) 122 Edward Lee Thorndike Social Psychology (1924) 128 Floyd Henry Allport Suggestion and Suggestibility (1919) 139 Robert H. Gault Suggestion and Suggestibility (1920) 147 Edmund Prideaux The Comparative Influence of Majority and Expert Opinion (1921) 159 Henry T. Moore The Psychology of Belief: A Study of Its Emotional, and Volitional Determinants (1925) 165 Frederick Lund Social Psychology (1925) & The Concept of Imitation (1926) 173 Knight Dunlap and Ellsworth Faris An Introduction to Social Psychology (1922) 185 Charles A. Ellwood An Introduction to Social Psychology (1926) 198 Luther Lee Bernard Principles of Sociology (1928) 213 Frederick Elmore Lumley Social Psychology (1931) 223 Ernest Théodore Krueger and Walter C. Reckless The Influence of Newspaper Presentations Upon the Growth of Crime and Other Anti-Social Activity (1910 & 1911) 234 Frances Fenton Part Four: Applications The Psychology of Persuasion (1920) 255 William Macpherson The Control of the Social Mind (1923) 268 Arland Deyett Weeks Control of Propaganda as a Psychological Problem (1922) 277 Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. The Theory of Political Propaganda (1927) 288 Harold D. Lasswell The Psychology of Advertising (1913) 295 Walter Dill Scott The Conditions of the Belief in Advertising (1923) 301 Albert T. Poffenberger The Psychology of the Audience (1935) 308 Harry L. Hollingworth 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.f1e0489e_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4d5690b1 1 9 9 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction: An Overview of the Origins and Evolution of Suggestion Theory 1 A01 Patrick Parsons Patrick Parsons 40 04p491231 Pennsylvania State University Patrick Parsons is professor emeritus at the Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications at Penn State. 20 00 Open Access Patrick Parsons 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.341cc513 13 22 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1896) 1 A01 Gustav Le Bon Gustav Le Bon 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.599a9b4f 23 30 8 Chapter 01 01 The Laws of Imitation (1903) 1 A01 Gabriel Tarde Gabriel Tarde 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.efe12397 31 42 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Imitative Functions and Their Place in Human Nature (1894) 1 A01 Josiah Royce Josiah Royce 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5920b1c1 43 53 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Mental Development of the Child and the Race (1911) 1 A01 James Mark Baldwin James Mark Baldwin 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.0833a26c 54 63 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Suggestion (1898) 1 A01 Boris Sidis Boris Sidis 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.8284aa5c 64 74 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology: An Outline and Sourcebook (1908) 1 A01 Edward Alsworth Ross Edward Alsworth Ross 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.7d33c030 75 89 15 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 A Sociological Definition of Suggestion (1921), Definition of Imitation (1921), & Attention, Interest, and Imitation (1921) 1 A01 W. V. Bechterew W. V. Bechterew 2 A01 Charles Judd Charles Judd 3 A01 George Stout George Stout 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c027b9c7 90 96 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Need for Social Psychology (1917) 1 A01 John Dewey John Dewey 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.01a9626f 101 1111 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1913) 1 A01 William McDougall William McDougall 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.88af2bc3 112 121 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Instincts of the Herd in War and Peace (1917) 1 A01 Wilfred Trotter Wilfred Trotter 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.62e65f4d 122 127 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Original Nature of Man (1913) 1 A01 Edward Lee Thorndike Edward Lee Thorndike 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.bdc0b8ae 128 138 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1924) 1 A01 Floyd Henry Allport Floyd Henry Allport 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.81bfc4e5 139 146 8 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Suggestion and Suggestibility (1919) 1 A01 Robert H. Gault Robert H. Gault 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5d18b10c 147 158 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Suggestion and Suggestibility (1920) 1 A01 Edmund Prideaux Edmund Prideaux 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.93319526 159 164 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Comparative Influence of Majority and Expert Opinion (1921) 1 A01 Henry T. Moore Henry T. Moore 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5599c88b 165 172 8 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Belief: A Study of Its Emotional, and Volitional Determinants (1925) 1 A01 Frederick Lund Frederick Lund 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1dd528f9 173 184 12 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1925) & The Concept of Imitation (1926) 1 A01 Knight Dunlap Knight Dunlap 2 A01 Ellsworth Faris Ellsworth Faris 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.aa5cbaf4 185 197 13 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1922) 1 A01 Charles A. Ellwood Charles A. Ellwood 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5704b2cf 198 212 15 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 An Introduction to Social Psychology (1926) 1 A01 Luther Lee Bernard Luther Lee Bernard 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4afc8ed1 213 222 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Principles of Sociology (1928) 1 A01 Frederick Elmore Lumley Frederick Elmore Lumley 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ef593372 223 233 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Social Psychology (1931) 1 A01 Ernest Théodore Krueger Ernest Théodore Krueger 2 A01 Walter C. Reckless Walter C. Reckless 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a04aa452 234 250 17 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Influence of Newspaper Presentations Upon the Growth of Crime and Other Anti-Social Activity (1910 & 1911) 1 A01 Frances Fenton Frances Fenton 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2e86f19e 255 267 13 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Persuasion (1920) 1 A01 William Macpherson William Macpherson 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fd27f689 268 276 9 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Control of the Social Mind (1923) 1 A01 Arland Deyett Weeks Arland Deyett Weeks 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.b17c1706 277 287 11 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 Control of Propaganda as a Psychological Problem (1922) 1 A01 Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. Edward Kellog Strong, Jr. 20 00 Open Access 27 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.87427e49 288 294 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Theory of Political Propaganda (1927) 1 A01 Harold D. Lasswell Harold D. Lasswell 20 00 Open Access 28 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.cd452bea 295 300 6 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of Advertising (1913) 1 A01 Walter Dill Scott Walter Dill Scott 20 00 Open Access 29 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b1869cd 301 307 7 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Conditions of the Belief in Advertising (1923) 1 A01 Albert T. Poffenberger Albert T. Poffenberger 20 00 Open Access 30 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3fc4466c 308 317 10 Unspecified 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.en Chapter 01 01 The Psychology of the Audience (1935) 1 A01 Harry L. Hollingworth Harry L. Hollingworth 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/early-media-effects-theory-the-suggestion-doctrine Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20241228 Parsons, Patrick (introduction, chapter introductions) 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399283 03 9781951399283 06 15 9781951399269 03 9781951399269 06 15 9781951399276 03 9781951399276 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6739758900 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6739758900 20 08 20241228 01 11 GOOGLE_BOOKS 36 GOOGLE_BOOKS: webpage for this product https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=SPk5EQAAQBAJ&rdid=book-SPk5EQAAQBAJ&rdot=1 29 GOOGLE_BOOKS: download the title https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=SPk5EQAAQBAJ&hl=en 20 08 20241228 01 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/early-media-effects-theory-the-suggestion-doctrine 29 Publisher's website: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/early1.0/parsons-early-media-effects-2024.epub 20 08 20241228 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/early-media-effects-theory-the-suggestion-doctrine 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.f1e0489e.epub 20 08 20241228 01 urn:uuid:cce1ce2f-8975-4f1f-9c80-64b8a668c77b 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:9eaad76e-89ff-4ba0-858f-f2276f69110d 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:cce1ce2f-8975-4f1f-9c80-64b8a668c77b 15 9781951399221 03 9781951399221 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.80aee30a 13 2023939244 00 BC 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 5 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Franklin Ford Collection 1 B01 21 000000026540006X Dominique Trudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School Dominique Trudel is associate professor of communication and culture at Audencia Business School. 2 B01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal Juliette De Maeyer is professor of communication at the Université de Montréal. 01 eng 12 KNTJ 93 KNTP2 10 PHI020000 12 KNTT 93 KNTX 10 LAN004000 12 HPS 10 LAN008000 93 QDHR3 01 06 02 00 The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, includes letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises by the American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918). 03 00 The American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918) is remembered for his ambitious (and stillborn) Thought News periodical, hatched with philosopher John Dewey. The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, takes in the full shambolic spread of Ford's thought, across news, politics, education, finance, and society at large. The collection includes nineteen documents—letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises—with critical annotations from Trudel and De Maeyer. The works, many unpublished or rarely circulated, illustrate the core themes that animated Ford's career, including his sweeping program of press reform and his thoughts on the interconnected flows of money, transportation, and communication. 30 00 The American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918) is remembered for his ambitious (and stillborn) Thought News periodical, hatched with philosopher John Dewey. The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, takes in the full shambolic spread of Ford's thought, across news, politics, education, finance, and society at large. The collection includes nineteen documents—letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises—with critical annotations from Trudel and De Maeyer. The works, many unpublished or rarely circulated, illustrate the core themes that animated Ford's career, including his sweeping program of press reform and his thoughts on the interconnected flows of money, transportation, and communication. 04 00 Contents 1. “He Has Ideas about Everything”: An Introduction to the Franklin Ford Collection Dominique Trudel & Juliette De Maeyer 2. Acknowledgments Dominique Trudel & Juliette De Maeyer 3. The Larger Life: A Poem Dedicated to Franklin Ford Sheridan Ford I. Reforming the News 4. Draft of Action Franklin Ford 5. A Newspaper Laboratory Franklin Ford 6. Banding Together the Leading Newspapers Franklin Ford 7. The Press of New York—Its Future Franklin Ford 8. Organization of Intelligence Requires an Organism John Dewey 9. In Search of Absolute News, Sensation, and Unity Corydon Ford & Franklin Ford 10. The News System: A Scientific Basis for Organizing the News Franklin Ford II. Interconnected Flows: Money, Information, and Transportation 11. Better Credit Reporting Franklin Ford 12. Traffic Associations Franklin Ford 13. The Country Check Franklin Ford 14. The Express Companies and the Bank Franklin Ford 15. The Mercantile Agencies and Credit Reporting Franklin Ford 16. Co-operative Credit Reporting Franklin Ford III. News is Government 17. City News Office Needed Franklin Ford 18. Municipal Reform: A Scientific Question Franklin Ford 19. Government is the Organization of Intelligence or News Franklin Ford 20. The Simple Idea of Government Franklin Ford 21. A New and Revolutionary Government Franklin Ford 22. News is the Master Element of Social Control 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.80aee30a_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a92ed0aa vi xlvii 42 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 “He Has Ideas about Everything”: An Introduction to the Franklin Ford Collection 1 A01 21 000000026540006X Dominque Tudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School 2 A01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b59a372 xlviii xlviii 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Acknowledgments 1 A01 21 000000026540006X Dominque Tudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School 2 A01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3cc539ac xlix xlix 1 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Larger Life: A Poem Dedicated to Franklin Ford 1 A01 Sheridan Ford Sheridan Ford 01 eng 02 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 03 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 30 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5ecc51d6 3 63 61 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Draft of Action 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 03 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 30 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.71791cf9 64 66 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 A Newspaper Laboratory 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 03 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 30 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.444e77a6 67 67 1 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Banding Together the Leading Newspapers 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 02 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 03 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 30 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.303ec298 68 70 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Press of New York—Its Future 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 03 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 30 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ba7630df 71 72 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Organization of Intelligence Requires an Organism 1 A01 John Dewey John Dewey 01 eng 02 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 03 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 30 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5c8cd34f 73 106 34 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 In Search of Absolute News, Sensation, and Unity 1 A01 Corydon Ford Corydon Ford 2 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 03 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 30 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4cde61d0 107 114 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The News System: A Scientific Basis for Organizing the News 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 03 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 30 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.28547392 116 126 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Better Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 03 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 30 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.576a9d78 127 129 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Traffic Associations 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 03 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 30 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fcd7f9c5 130 146 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Country Check 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 03 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 30 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fc667b4d 147 154 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Express Companies and the Bank 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 03 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 30 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.797fac89 155 162 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Mercantile Agencies and Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 03 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 30 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.8f58a590 163 164 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Co-operative Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 03 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 30 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.13ddb5b4 166 167 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 City News Office Needed 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 03 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 30 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.35445b3c 169 197 29 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Municipal Reform: A Scientific Question 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Self-published book, 1903 03 00 Self-published book, 1903 30 00 Self-published book, 1903 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6e4207f8 198 205 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Government is the Organization of Intelligence or News 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 03 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 30 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1c9438c1 206 207 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Simple Idea of Government 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 03 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 30 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b7e21bc 208 212 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 A New and Revolutionary Government 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 03 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 30 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.141ae422 213 249 37 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 News is the Master Element of Social Control 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 03 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 30 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/ford-collection Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20230715 Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399191 03 9781951399191 06 15 9781951399207 03 9781951399207 06 15 9781951399214 03 9781951399214 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399226 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399226 20 08 20230715 02 15.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:9bb8adc6-6dd3-4b8f-9bfc-63886934610c 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:9eaad76e-89ff-4ba0-858f-f2276f69110d 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:9bb8adc6-6dd3-4b8f-9bfc-63886934610c 15 9781951399191 03 9781951399191 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.80aee30a 13 2023939244 00 EB E107 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 5 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Franklin Ford Collection 1 B01 21 000000026540006X Dominique Trudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School Dominique Trudel is associate professor of communication and culture at Audencia Business School. 2 B01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal Juliette De Maeyer is professor of communication at the Université de Montréal. 01 eng 12 KNTJ 93 KNTP2 10 PHI020000 12 KNTT 93 KNTX 10 LAN004000 12 HPS 10 LAN008000 93 QDHR3 01 06 02 00 The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, includes letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises by the American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918). 03 00 The American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918) is remembered for his ambitious (and stillborn) Thought News periodical, hatched with philosopher John Dewey. The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, takes in the full shambolic spread of Ford's thought, across news, politics, education, finance, and society at large. The collection includes nineteen documents—letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises—with critical annotations from Trudel and De Maeyer. The works, many unpublished or rarely circulated, illustrate the core themes that animated Ford's career, including his sweeping program of press reform and his thoughts on the interconnected flows of money, transportation, and communication. 30 00 The American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918) is remembered for his ambitious (and stillborn) Thought News periodical, hatched with philosopher John Dewey. The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, takes in the full shambolic spread of Ford's thought, across news, politics, education, finance, and society at large. The collection includes nineteen documents—letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises—with critical annotations from Trudel and De Maeyer. The works, many unpublished or rarely circulated, illustrate the core themes that animated Ford's career, including his sweeping program of press reform and his thoughts on the interconnected flows of money, transportation, and communication. 04 00 Contents 1. “He Has Ideas about Everything”: An Introduction to the Franklin Ford Collection Dominique Trudel & Juliette De Maeyer 2. Acknowledgments Dominique Trudel & Juliette De Maeyer 3. The Larger Life: A Poem Dedicated to Franklin Ford Sheridan Ford I. Reforming the News 4. Draft of Action Franklin Ford 5. A Newspaper Laboratory Franklin Ford 6. Banding Together the Leading Newspapers Franklin Ford 7. The Press of New York—Its Future Franklin Ford 8. Organization of Intelligence Requires an Organism John Dewey 9. In Search of Absolute News, Sensation, and Unity Corydon Ford & Franklin Ford 10. The News System: A Scientific Basis for Organizing the News Franklin Ford II. Interconnected Flows: Money, Information, and Transportation 11. Better Credit Reporting Franklin Ford 12. Traffic Associations Franklin Ford 13. The Country Check Franklin Ford 14. The Express Companies and the Bank Franklin Ford 15. The Mercantile Agencies and Credit Reporting Franklin Ford 16. Co-operative Credit Reporting Franklin Ford III. News is Government 17. City News Office Needed Franklin Ford 18. Municipal Reform: A Scientific Question Franklin Ford 19. Government is the Organization of Intelligence or News Franklin Ford 20. The Simple Idea of Government Franklin Ford 21. A New and Revolutionary Government Franklin Ford 22. News is the Master Element of Social Control 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.80aee30a_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a92ed0aa vi xlvii 42 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 “He Has Ideas about Everything”: An Introduction to the Franklin Ford Collection 1 A01 21 000000026540006X Dominque Tudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School 2 A01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b59a372 xlviii xlviii 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Acknowledgments 1 A01 21 000000026540006X Dominque Tudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School 2 A01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3cc539ac xlix xlix 1 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Larger Life: A Poem Dedicated to Franklin Ford 1 A01 Sheridan Ford Sheridan Ford 01 eng 02 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 03 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 30 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5ecc51d6 3 63 61 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Draft of Action 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 03 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 30 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.71791cf9 64 66 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 A Newspaper Laboratory 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 03 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 30 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.444e77a6 67 67 1 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Banding Together the Leading Newspapers 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 02 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 03 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 30 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.303ec298 68 70 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Press of New York—Its Future 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 03 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 30 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ba7630df 71 72 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Organization of Intelligence Requires an Organism 1 A01 John Dewey John Dewey 01 eng 02 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 03 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 30 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5c8cd34f 73 106 34 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 In Search of Absolute News, Sensation, and Unity 1 A01 Corydon Ford Corydon Ford 2 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 03 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 30 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4cde61d0 107 114 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The News System: A Scientific Basis for Organizing the News 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 03 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 30 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.28547392 116 126 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Better Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 03 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 30 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.576a9d78 127 129 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Traffic Associations 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 03 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 30 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fcd7f9c5 130 146 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Country Check 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 03 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 30 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fc667b4d 147 154 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Express Companies and the Bank 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 03 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 30 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.797fac89 155 162 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Mercantile Agencies and Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 03 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 30 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.8f58a590 163 164 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Co-operative Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 03 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 30 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.13ddb5b4 166 167 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 City News Office Needed 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 03 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 30 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.35445b3c 169 197 29 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Municipal Reform: A Scientific Question 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Self-published book, 1903 03 00 Self-published book, 1903 30 00 Self-published book, 1903 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6e4207f8 198 205 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Government is the Organization of Intelligence or News 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 03 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 30 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1c9438c1 206 207 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Simple Idea of Government 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 03 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 30 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b7e21bc 208 212 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 A New and Revolutionary Government 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 03 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 30 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.141ae422 213 249 37 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 News is the Master Element of Social Control 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 03 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 30 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/ford-collection Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20230715 Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399221 03 9781951399221 06 15 9781951399207 03 9781951399207 06 15 9781951399214 03 9781951399214 WORLD 11 PROJECT_MUSE 36 PROJECT_MUSE: webpage for this product https://muse.jhu.edu/book/113697 29 PROJECT_MUSE: download the title https://muse.jhu.edu/book/113697 20 08 20230715 01 11 OAPEN 36 OAPEN: webpage for this product https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/75207 29 OAPEN: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/75207/franklin-ford-collection.pdf 20 08 20230715 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.google.com/books/about?id=YR3OEAAAQBAJ 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.google.com/books/download/Franklin_Ford_Collection.pdf?id=YR3OEAAAQBAJ&output=pdf&sig=ACfU3U3yjcSKFGa_l00C3Acwp1lCGfdRLQ 20 08 20230715 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=3DEFBDEA5742C66FE6B0EB11EBE813EC 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title http://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=3DEFBDEA5742C66FE6B0EB11EBE813EC 20 08 20230715 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/ford-collection 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/franklinford1.01/franklin-ford-collection.pdf 20 08 20230715 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/9eaad76e-89ff-4ba0-858f-f2276f69110d 29 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: download the title https://archive.org/download/9eaad76e-89ff-4ba0-858f-f2276f69110d/9eaad76e-89ff-4ba0-858f-f2276f69110d.pdf 20 08 20230715 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/ford-collection 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.80aee30a.pdf 20 08 20230715 01 urn:uuid:fd74a4fe-602f-4e08-abc9-1ac81093d216 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:9eaad76e-89ff-4ba0-858f-f2276f69110d 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:fd74a4fe-602f-4e08-abc9-1ac81093d216 15 9781951399207 03 9781951399207 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.80aee30a 13 2023939244 00 EB E105 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 5 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Franklin Ford Collection 1 B01 21 000000026540006X Dominique Trudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School Dominique Trudel is associate professor of communication and culture at Audencia Business School. 2 B01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal Juliette De Maeyer is professor of communication at the Université de Montréal. 01 eng 12 KNTJ 93 KNTP2 10 PHI020000 12 KNTT 93 KNTX 10 LAN004000 12 HPS 10 LAN008000 93 QDHR3 01 06 02 00 The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, includes letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises by the American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918). 03 00 The American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918) is remembered for his ambitious (and stillborn) Thought News periodical, hatched with philosopher John Dewey. The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, takes in the full shambolic spread of Ford's thought, across news, politics, education, finance, and society at large. The collection includes nineteen documents—letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises—with critical annotations from Trudel and De Maeyer. The works, many unpublished or rarely circulated, illustrate the core themes that animated Ford's career, including his sweeping program of press reform and his thoughts on the interconnected flows of money, transportation, and communication. 30 00 The American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918) is remembered for his ambitious (and stillborn) Thought News periodical, hatched with philosopher John Dewey. The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, takes in the full shambolic spread of Ford's thought, across news, politics, education, finance, and society at large. The collection includes nineteen documents—letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises—with critical annotations from Trudel and De Maeyer. The works, many unpublished or rarely circulated, illustrate the core themes that animated Ford's career, including his sweeping program of press reform and his thoughts on the interconnected flows of money, transportation, and communication. 04 00 Contents 1. “He Has Ideas about Everything”: An Introduction to the Franklin Ford Collection Dominique Trudel & Juliette De Maeyer 2. Acknowledgments Dominique Trudel & Juliette De Maeyer 3. The Larger Life: A Poem Dedicated to Franklin Ford Sheridan Ford I. Reforming the News 4. Draft of Action Franklin Ford 5. A Newspaper Laboratory Franklin Ford 6. Banding Together the Leading Newspapers Franklin Ford 7. The Press of New York—Its Future Franklin Ford 8. Organization of Intelligence Requires an Organism John Dewey 9. In Search of Absolute News, Sensation, and Unity Corydon Ford & Franklin Ford 10. The News System: A Scientific Basis for Organizing the News Franklin Ford II. Interconnected Flows: Money, Information, and Transportation 11. Better Credit Reporting Franklin Ford 12. Traffic Associations Franklin Ford 13. The Country Check Franklin Ford 14. The Express Companies and the Bank Franklin Ford 15. The Mercantile Agencies and Credit Reporting Franklin Ford 16. Co-operative Credit Reporting Franklin Ford III. News is Government 17. City News Office Needed Franklin Ford 18. Municipal Reform: A Scientific Question Franklin Ford 19. Government is the Organization of Intelligence or News Franklin Ford 20. The Simple Idea of Government Franklin Ford 21. A New and Revolutionary Government Franklin Ford 22. News is the Master Element of Social Control 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.80aee30a_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a92ed0aa vi xlvii 42 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 “He Has Ideas about Everything”: An Introduction to the Franklin Ford Collection 1 A01 21 000000026540006X Dominque Tudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School 2 A01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b59a372 xlviii xlviii 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Acknowledgments 1 A01 21 000000026540006X Dominque Tudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School 2 A01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3cc539ac xlix xlix 1 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Larger Life: A Poem Dedicated to Franklin Ford 1 A01 Sheridan Ford Sheridan Ford 01 eng 02 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 03 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 30 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5ecc51d6 3 63 61 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Draft of Action 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 03 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 30 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.71791cf9 64 66 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 A Newspaper Laboratory 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 03 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 30 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.444e77a6 67 67 1 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Banding Together the Leading Newspapers 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 02 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 03 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 30 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.303ec298 68 70 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Press of New York—Its Future 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 03 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 30 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ba7630df 71 72 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Organization of Intelligence Requires an Organism 1 A01 John Dewey John Dewey 01 eng 02 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 03 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 30 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5c8cd34f 73 106 34 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 In Search of Absolute News, Sensation, and Unity 1 A01 Corydon Ford Corydon Ford 2 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 03 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 30 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4cde61d0 107 114 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The News System: A Scientific Basis for Organizing the News 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 03 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 30 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.28547392 116 126 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Better Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 03 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 30 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.576a9d78 127 129 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Traffic Associations 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 03 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 30 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fcd7f9c5 130 146 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Country Check 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 03 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 30 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fc667b4d 147 154 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Express Companies and the Bank 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 03 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 30 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.797fac89 155 162 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Mercantile Agencies and Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 03 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 30 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.8f58a590 163 164 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Co-operative Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 03 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 30 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.13ddb5b4 166 167 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 City News Office Needed 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 03 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 30 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.35445b3c 169 197 29 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Municipal Reform: A Scientific Question 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Self-published book, 1903 03 00 Self-published book, 1903 30 00 Self-published book, 1903 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6e4207f8 198 205 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Government is the Organization of Intelligence or News 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 03 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 30 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1c9438c1 206 207 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Simple Idea of Government 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 03 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 30 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b7e21bc 208 212 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 A New and Revolutionary Government 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 03 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 30 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.141ae422 213 249 37 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 News is the Master Element of Social Control 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 03 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 30 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/ford-collection Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20230715 Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399221 03 9781951399221 06 15 9781951399191 03 9781951399191 06 15 9781951399214 03 9781951399214 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/ford-collection 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.mediastudies.press/ford-collection 20 08 20230715 01 urn:uuid:6856441d-b63d-4bd8-acc3-9eaa3bebeee8 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:9eaad76e-89ff-4ba0-858f-f2276f69110d 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:6856441d-b63d-4bd8-acc3-9eaa3bebeee8 15 9781951399214 03 9781951399214 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.80aee30a 13 2023939244 00 EB E101 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 5 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Franklin Ford Collection 1 B01 21 000000026540006X Dominique Trudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School Dominique Trudel is associate professor of communication and culture at Audencia Business School. 2 B01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal Juliette De Maeyer is professor of communication at the Université de Montréal. 01 eng 12 KNTJ 93 KNTP2 10 PHI020000 12 KNTT 93 KNTX 10 LAN004000 12 HPS 10 LAN008000 93 QDHR3 01 06 02 00 The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, includes letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises by the American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918). 03 00 The American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918) is remembered for his ambitious (and stillborn) Thought News periodical, hatched with philosopher John Dewey. The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, takes in the full shambolic spread of Ford's thought, across news, politics, education, finance, and society at large. The collection includes nineteen documents—letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises—with critical annotations from Trudel and De Maeyer. The works, many unpublished or rarely circulated, illustrate the core themes that animated Ford's career, including his sweeping program of press reform and his thoughts on the interconnected flows of money, transportation, and communication. 30 00 The American journalist Franklin Ford (1849–1918) is remembered for his ambitious (and stillborn) Thought News periodical, hatched with philosopher John Dewey. The Franklin Ford Collection, curated and introduced by Dominique Trudel and Juliette De Maeyer, takes in the full shambolic spread of Ford's thought, across news, politics, education, finance, and society at large. The collection includes nineteen documents—letters, leaflets, editorials, and treatises—with critical annotations from Trudel and De Maeyer. The works, many unpublished or rarely circulated, illustrate the core themes that animated Ford's career, including his sweeping program of press reform and his thoughts on the interconnected flows of money, transportation, and communication. 04 00 Contents 1. “He Has Ideas about Everything”: An Introduction to the Franklin Ford Collection Dominique Trudel & Juliette De Maeyer 2. Acknowledgments Dominique Trudel & Juliette De Maeyer 3. The Larger Life: A Poem Dedicated to Franklin Ford Sheridan Ford I. Reforming the News 4. Draft of Action Franklin Ford 5. A Newspaper Laboratory Franklin Ford 6. Banding Together the Leading Newspapers Franklin Ford 7. The Press of New York—Its Future Franklin Ford 8. Organization of Intelligence Requires an Organism John Dewey 9. In Search of Absolute News, Sensation, and Unity Corydon Ford & Franklin Ford 10. The News System: A Scientific Basis for Organizing the News Franklin Ford II. Interconnected Flows: Money, Information, and Transportation 11. Better Credit Reporting Franklin Ford 12. Traffic Associations Franklin Ford 13. The Country Check Franklin Ford 14. The Express Companies and the Bank Franklin Ford 15. The Mercantile Agencies and Credit Reporting Franklin Ford 16. Co-operative Credit Reporting Franklin Ford III. News is Government 17. City News Office Needed Franklin Ford 18. Municipal Reform: A Scientific Question Franklin Ford 19. Government is the Organization of Intelligence or News Franklin Ford 20. The Simple Idea of Government Franklin Ford 21. A New and Revolutionary Government Franklin Ford 22. News is the Master Element of Social Control 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.80aee30a_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a92ed0aa vi xlvii 42 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 “He Has Ideas about Everything”: An Introduction to the Franklin Ford Collection 1 A01 21 000000026540006X Dominque Tudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School 2 A01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b59a372 xlviii xlviii 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Acknowledgments 1 A01 21 000000026540006X Dominque Tudel Dominique Trudel 40 000axn811 Audencia Business School 2 A01 21 0000000264825365 Juliette De Maeyer Juliette De Maeyer 40 002rjbv21 University of Quebec at Montreal 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3cc539ac xlix xlix 1 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Larger Life: A Poem Dedicated to Franklin Ford 1 A01 Sheridan Ford Sheridan Ford 01 eng 02 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 03 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 30 00 Excerpt from The Larger Life, 66–67. New York: G. E. Croscup, 1904 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5ecc51d6 3 63 61 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Draft of Action 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 03 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 30 00 Written in 1892 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Printed but not published. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.71791cf9 64 66 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 A Newspaper Laboratory 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 03 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 30 00 Letter to James B. Angell sent from New Orleans, April 13th, 1887 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.444e77a6 67 67 1 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Banding Together the Leading Newspapers 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 02 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 03 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 30 00 Letter to Edward Atkinson sent from New Orleans 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.303ec298 68 70 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Press of New York—Its Future 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 03 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 30 00 Chapter published in Progress and Prospects of New York: the First City of the World, 1492–1893, 46–47. New York: Commercial Travelers Club of New York, 1893. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ba7630df 71 72 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Organization of Intelligence Requires an Organism 1 A01 John Dewey John Dewey 01 eng 02 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 03 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 30 00 Memorandum - John Dewey to Henry Carter Adams, April 29, 1889 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5c8cd34f 73 106 34 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 In Search of Absolute News, Sensation, and Unity 1 A01 Corydon Ford Corydon Ford 2 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 03 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 30 00 Chapter published in The Organic State, 233–278. New York: Cabinet of News, 1897 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4cde61d0 107 114 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The News System: A Scientific Basis for Organizing the News 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 03 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 30 00 Letter to Clinton W. Sweet sent from New York 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.28547392 116 126 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Better Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 03 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 30 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 1, No. 17, p. 34–35 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.576a9d78 127 129 3 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Traffic Associations 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 03 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 30 00 Published in the Wichita Daily Eagle, May 4, 1897 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fcd7f9c5 130 146 17 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Country Check 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 03 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 30 00 Issued by Fords, June 20, 1899 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fc667b4d 147 154 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Express Companies and the Bank 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 03 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 30 00 Bank News Bulletin, No. 2, issued by Fords, February 8, 1899 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.797fac89 155 162 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Mercantile Agencies and Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 03 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 30 00 Published in Textile America, Vol. 3, No. 11, p. 5–7, June 3, 1889 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.8f58a590 163 164 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Co-operative Credit Reporting 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 03 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 30 00 Letter to the Editor of The New York Times, Sep. 17, 1902 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.13ddb5b4 166 167 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 City News Office Needed 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 03 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 30 00 Published in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 8, 1901 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.35445b3c 169 197 29 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Municipal Reform: A Scientific Question 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Self-published book, 1903 03 00 Self-published book, 1903 30 00 Self-published book, 1903 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6e4207f8 198 205 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Government is the Organization of Intelligence or News 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 03 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 30 00 Leaflet from the General News Office, 1905 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1c9438c1 206 207 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Simple Idea of Government 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 03 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 30 00 Leaflet from the News Office, June 13, 1910 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1b7e21bc 208 212 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 A New and Revolutionary Government 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 03 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 30 00 Letter to Nicholas Murray Butler, sent from New York, February 17, 1909 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.141ae422 213 249 37 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 News is the Master Element of Social Control 1 A01 Franklin Ford Franklin Ford 01 eng 02 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 03 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 30 00 Letter to Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., sent from New York, January 19, 1912 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/ford-collection Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20230715 Trudel, Dominique and De Maeyer, Juliette 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399221 03 9781951399221 06 15 9781951399191 03 9781951399191 06 15 9781951399207 03 9781951399207 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=YR3OEAAAQBAJ 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=YR3OEAAAQBAJ 20 08 20230715 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.google.com/books/about?id=YR3OEAAAQBAJ 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.google.com/books/download/Franklin_Ford_Collection.epub?id=YR3OEAAAQBAJ&output=epub 20 08 20230715 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.apple.com/us/book/franklin-ford-collection/id6455786692?ls=1 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.apple.com/us/book/franklin-ford-collection/id6455786692?ls=1 20 08 20230715 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0CG2W5DBY 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0CG2W5DBY 20 08 20230715 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/ford-collection 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/franklinford1.01/franklin-ford-collection.epub 20 08 20230715 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/ford-collection 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.80aee30a.epub 20 08 20230715 01 urn:uuid:1f3d0cd0-1271-41aa-b9e3-b02ca087bd66 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:a34df90e-bb8e-4282-9cb3-3c0c6ac78170 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:1f3d0cd0-1271-41aa-b9e3-b02ca087bd66 15 9781951399443 03 9781951399443 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966c 13 2025943298 00 BC 10 01 229 mm 01 22.9 cm 01 9 in 02 152 mm 02 15.2 cm 02 6 in Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 3 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 From Erving to Goffman A Work in Performance? 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 00 101 03 09 8 93 JHBA 10 SOC026040 93 QDTS 10 SOC076000 93 JBCC9 10 SOC052000 93 1KBB-US-N 01 06 02 00 Yves Winkin’s From Erving to Goffman, translated from the French, is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. 03 00 Erving Goffman was among the most prominent sociologists of the twentieth century. An unmatched observer of everyday human interaction, he has only grown in influence in the 45 years since his untimely 1980 death. We know surprisingly little about his life. Yves Winkin’s biography, translated from the French (D’Erving à Goffman: Une œuvre performée?, 2022, MkF éditions), is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. From Erving to Goffman reads Goffman’s life through his performances on stage, at the lectern, before an audience. Winkin treats the lecture—Goffman’s own conference talks, his writings on the lecture form, and even a lecture on the lecture—as a reflexive device to draw out how the Canadian-born Erving became Goffman the American sociologist. We learn how Goffman, the quintessential observer of performance in everyday life, performed himself into professional existence. In talk after talk, he managed the impressions he gave off with often-eccentric care. From Erving to Goffman is a biography in miniature, with an account of the scholar’s life joined to a collection of conference-vignettes from his visits around the world. It is a story of a sociologist made in performance, with photographers banned and appearances—on and off-stage—orchestrated. It is fitting that, in a book about self-exemplifying self-making, Winkin concludes with an eloquent account of his own decades-long project to write a full biography, still retracing Goffman’s steps forty years on. From Erving to Goffman, the latest installment in the Goffman in the Open series, is an unusually perceptive portrait-in-fragments of the sociologist who became Goffman. 30 00 Erving Goffman was among the most prominent sociologists of the twentieth century. An unmatched observer of everyday human interaction, he has only grown in influence in the 45 years since his untimely 1980 death. We know surprisingly little about his life. Yves Winkin’s biography, translated from the French (D’Erving à Goffman: Une œuvre performée?, 2022, MkF éditions), is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. From Erving to Goffman reads Goffman’s life through his performances on stage, at the lectern, before an audience. Winkin treats the lecture—Goffman’s own conference talks, his writings on the lecture form, and even a lecture on the lecture—as a reflexive device to draw out how the Canadian-born Erving became Goffman the American sociologist. We learn how Goffman, the quintessential observer of performance in everyday life, performed himself into professional existence. In talk after talk, he managed the impressions he gave off with often-eccentric care. From Erving to Goffman is a biography in miniature, with an account of the scholar’s life joined to a collection of conference-vignettes from his visits around the world. It is a story of a sociologist made in performance, with photographers banned and appearances—on and off-stage—orchestrated. It is fitting that, in a book about self-exemplifying self-making, Winkin concludes with an eloquent account of his own decades-long project to write a full biography, still retracing Goffman’s steps forty years on. From Erving to Goffman, the latest installment in the Goffman in the Open series, is an unusually perceptive portrait-in-fragments of the sociologist who became Goffman. 04 00 Prologue: Regal Goffman, Against all Odds Part One: Such a Short Life, Such a Powerful Body of Work Part Two: Goffman on Stage Part Three: The Lecture as Performance Epilogue: How (Not) to Complete a Biography? References Name Index 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966c_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966b 1 4 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Prologue: Regal Goffman, Against all Odds 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.f28c17d3 5 19 15 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part One: Such a Short Life, Such a Powerful Body of Work 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ab57f389 20 46 27 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part Two: Goffman on Stage 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.40213a44 47 61 15 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part Three: The Lecture as Performance 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.4434379d 62 72 11 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Epilogue: How (Not) to Complete a Biography? 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ca930c86 73 78 6 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/from-erving-to-goffman-a-work-in-performance Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20260215 Yves Winkin 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399399 03 9781951399399 06 15 9781951399450 03 9781951399450 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399447/ 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399447/ 20 08 20260215 02 10.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:c6e56a7e-4860-4bcc-8507-af54ff08a14d 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:a34df90e-bb8e-4282-9cb3-3c0c6ac78170 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:c6e56a7e-4860-4bcc-8507-af54ff08a14d 15 9781951399399 03 9781951399399 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966c 13 2025943298 00 EB E107 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 3 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 From Erving to Goffman A Work in Performance? 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 00 101 03 09 8 93 JHBA 10 SOC026040 93 QDTS 10 SOC076000 93 JBCC9 10 SOC052000 93 1KBB-US-N 01 06 02 00 Yves Winkin’s From Erving to Goffman, translated from the French, is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. 03 00 Erving Goffman was among the most prominent sociologists of the twentieth century. An unmatched observer of everyday human interaction, he has only grown in influence in the 45 years since his untimely 1980 death. We know surprisingly little about his life. Yves Winkin’s biography, translated from the French (D’Erving à Goffman: Une œuvre performée?, 2022, MkF éditions), is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. From Erving to Goffman reads Goffman’s life through his performances on stage, at the lectern, before an audience. Winkin treats the lecture—Goffman’s own conference talks, his writings on the lecture form, and even a lecture on the lecture—as a reflexive device to draw out how the Canadian-born Erving became Goffman the American sociologist. We learn how Goffman, the quintessential observer of performance in everyday life, performed himself into professional existence. In talk after talk, he managed the impressions he gave off with often-eccentric care. From Erving to Goffman is a biography in miniature, with an account of the scholar’s life joined to a collection of conference-vignettes from his visits around the world. It is a story of a sociologist made in performance, with photographers banned and appearances—on and off-stage—orchestrated. It is fitting that, in a book about self-exemplifying self-making, Winkin concludes with an eloquent account of his own decades-long project to write a full biography, still retracing Goffman’s steps forty years on. From Erving to Goffman, the latest installment in the Goffman in the Open series, is an unusually perceptive portrait-in-fragments of the sociologist who became Goffman. 30 00 Erving Goffman was among the most prominent sociologists of the twentieth century. An unmatched observer of everyday human interaction, he has only grown in influence in the 45 years since his untimely 1980 death. We know surprisingly little about his life. Yves Winkin’s biography, translated from the French (D’Erving à Goffman: Une œuvre performée?, 2022, MkF éditions), is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. From Erving to Goffman reads Goffman’s life through his performances on stage, at the lectern, before an audience. Winkin treats the lecture—Goffman’s own conference talks, his writings on the lecture form, and even a lecture on the lecture—as a reflexive device to draw out how the Canadian-born Erving became Goffman the American sociologist. We learn how Goffman, the quintessential observer of performance in everyday life, performed himself into professional existence. In talk after talk, he managed the impressions he gave off with often-eccentric care. From Erving to Goffman is a biography in miniature, with an account of the scholar’s life joined to a collection of conference-vignettes from his visits around the world. It is a story of a sociologist made in performance, with photographers banned and appearances—on and off-stage—orchestrated. It is fitting that, in a book about self-exemplifying self-making, Winkin concludes with an eloquent account of his own decades-long project to write a full biography, still retracing Goffman’s steps forty years on. From Erving to Goffman, the latest installment in the Goffman in the Open series, is an unusually perceptive portrait-in-fragments of the sociologist who became Goffman. 04 00 Prologue: Regal Goffman, Against all Odds Part One: Such a Short Life, Such a Powerful Body of Work Part Two: Goffman on Stage Part Three: The Lecture as Performance Epilogue: How (Not) to Complete a Biography? References Name Index 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966c_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966b 1 4 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Prologue: Regal Goffman, Against all Odds 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.f28c17d3 5 19 15 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part One: Such a Short Life, Such a Powerful Body of Work 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ab57f389 20 46 27 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part Two: Goffman on Stage 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.40213a44 47 61 15 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part Three: The Lecture as Performance 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.4434379d 62 72 11 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Epilogue: How (Not) to Complete a Biography? 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ca930c86 73 78 6 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/from-erving-to-goffman-a-work-in-performance Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20260215 Yves Winkin 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399443 03 9781951399443 06 15 9781951399443 03 9781951399443 06 15 9781951399450 03 9781951399450 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://libgen.li/edition.php?id=208322544 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://libgen.li/edition.php?id=208322544 20 08 20260215 01 11 GOOGLE_BOOKS 36 GOOGLE_BOOKS: webpage for this product https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=1o3BEQAAQBAJ 20 08 20260215 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/a34df90e-bb8e-4282-9cb3-3c0c6ac78170 29 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: download the title https://archive.org/download/a34df90e-bb8e-4282-9cb3-3c0c6ac78170/a34df90e-bb8e-4282-9cb3-3c0c6ac78170.pdf 20 08 20260215 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/from-erving-to-goffman-a-work-in-performance 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966c.pdf 20 08 20260215 01 urn:uuid:21497de4-d66b-465b-b4cb-62a1183db573 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:a34df90e-bb8e-4282-9cb3-3c0c6ac78170 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:21497de4-d66b-465b-b4cb-62a1183db573 15 9781951399443 03 9781951399443 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966c 13 2025943298 00 EB E105 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 3 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 From Erving to Goffman A Work in Performance? 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 00 101 03 09 8 93 JHBA 10 SOC026040 93 QDTS 10 SOC076000 93 JBCC9 10 SOC052000 93 1KBB-US-N 01 06 02 00 Yves Winkin’s From Erving to Goffman, translated from the French, is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. 03 00 Erving Goffman was among the most prominent sociologists of the twentieth century. An unmatched observer of everyday human interaction, he has only grown in influence in the 45 years since his untimely 1980 death. We know surprisingly little about his life. Yves Winkin’s biography, translated from the French (D’Erving à Goffman: Une œuvre performée?, 2022, MkF éditions), is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. From Erving to Goffman reads Goffman’s life through his performances on stage, at the lectern, before an audience. Winkin treats the lecture—Goffman’s own conference talks, his writings on the lecture form, and even a lecture on the lecture—as a reflexive device to draw out how the Canadian-born Erving became Goffman the American sociologist. We learn how Goffman, the quintessential observer of performance in everyday life, performed himself into professional existence. In talk after talk, he managed the impressions he gave off with often-eccentric care. From Erving to Goffman is a biography in miniature, with an account of the scholar’s life joined to a collection of conference-vignettes from his visits around the world. It is a story of a sociologist made in performance, with photographers banned and appearances—on and off-stage—orchestrated. It is fitting that, in a book about self-exemplifying self-making, Winkin concludes with an eloquent account of his own decades-long project to write a full biography, still retracing Goffman’s steps forty years on. From Erving to Goffman, the latest installment in the Goffman in the Open series, is an unusually perceptive portrait-in-fragments of the sociologist who became Goffman. 30 00 Erving Goffman was among the most prominent sociologists of the twentieth century. An unmatched observer of everyday human interaction, he has only grown in influence in the 45 years since his untimely 1980 death. We know surprisingly little about his life. Yves Winkin’s biography, translated from the French (D’Erving à Goffman: Une œuvre performée?, 2022, MkF éditions), is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. From Erving to Goffman reads Goffman’s life through his performances on stage, at the lectern, before an audience. Winkin treats the lecture—Goffman’s own conference talks, his writings on the lecture form, and even a lecture on the lecture—as a reflexive device to draw out how the Canadian-born Erving became Goffman the American sociologist. We learn how Goffman, the quintessential observer of performance in everyday life, performed himself into professional existence. In talk after talk, he managed the impressions he gave off with often-eccentric care. From Erving to Goffman is a biography in miniature, with an account of the scholar’s life joined to a collection of conference-vignettes from his visits around the world. It is a story of a sociologist made in performance, with photographers banned and appearances—on and off-stage—orchestrated. It is fitting that, in a book about self-exemplifying self-making, Winkin concludes with an eloquent account of his own decades-long project to write a full biography, still retracing Goffman’s steps forty years on. From Erving to Goffman, the latest installment in the Goffman in the Open series, is an unusually perceptive portrait-in-fragments of the sociologist who became Goffman. 04 00 Prologue: Regal Goffman, Against all Odds Part One: Such a Short Life, Such a Powerful Body of Work Part Two: Goffman on Stage Part Three: The Lecture as Performance Epilogue: How (Not) to Complete a Biography? References Name Index 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966c_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966b 1 4 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Prologue: Regal Goffman, Against all Odds 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.f28c17d3 5 19 15 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part One: Such a Short Life, Such a Powerful Body of Work 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ab57f389 20 46 27 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part Two: Goffman on Stage 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.40213a44 47 61 15 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part Three: The Lecture as Performance 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.4434379d 62 72 11 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Epilogue: How (Not) to Complete a Biography? 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ca930c86 73 78 6 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/from-erving-to-goffman-a-work-in-performance Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20260215 Yves Winkin 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399399 03 9781951399399 06 15 9781951399450 03 9781951399450 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/from-erving-to-goffman-a-work-in-performance 29 Publisher's website: download the title https://www.mediastudies.press/from-erving-to-goffman-a-work-in-performance 20 08 20260215 01 urn:uuid:6980a720-c3c2-4901-900a-162d49c8f3a6 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:a34df90e-bb8e-4282-9cb3-3c0c6ac78170 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:6980a720-c3c2-4901-900a-162d49c8f3a6 15 9781951399450 03 9781951399450 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966c 13 2025943298 00 EB E101 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 3 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 From Erving to Goffman A Work in Performance? 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 00 101 03 09 8 93 JHBA 10 SOC026040 93 QDTS 10 SOC076000 93 JBCC9 10 SOC052000 93 1KBB-US-N 01 06 02 00 Yves Winkin’s From Erving to Goffman, translated from the French, is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. 03 00 Erving Goffman was among the most prominent sociologists of the twentieth century. An unmatched observer of everyday human interaction, he has only grown in influence in the 45 years since his untimely 1980 death. We know surprisingly little about his life. Yves Winkin’s biography, translated from the French (D’Erving à Goffman: Une œuvre performée?, 2022, MkF éditions), is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. From Erving to Goffman reads Goffman’s life through his performances on stage, at the lectern, before an audience. Winkin treats the lecture—Goffman’s own conference talks, his writings on the lecture form, and even a lecture on the lecture—as a reflexive device to draw out how the Canadian-born Erving became Goffman the American sociologist. We learn how Goffman, the quintessential observer of performance in everyday life, performed himself into professional existence. In talk after talk, he managed the impressions he gave off with often-eccentric care. From Erving to Goffman is a biography in miniature, with an account of the scholar’s life joined to a collection of conference-vignettes from his visits around the world. It is a story of a sociologist made in performance, with photographers banned and appearances—on and off-stage—orchestrated. It is fitting that, in a book about self-exemplifying self-making, Winkin concludes with an eloquent account of his own decades-long project to write a full biography, still retracing Goffman’s steps forty years on. From Erving to Goffman, the latest installment in the Goffman in the Open series, is an unusually perceptive portrait-in-fragments of the sociologist who became Goffman. 30 00 Erving Goffman was among the most prominent sociologists of the twentieth century. An unmatched observer of everyday human interaction, he has only grown in influence in the 45 years since his untimely 1980 death. We know surprisingly little about his life. Yves Winkin’s biography, translated from the French (D’Erving à Goffman: Une œuvre performée?, 2022, MkF éditions), is an elegantly written and deeply informed account of the sociologist’s life, by one of the world’s leading Goffman scholars. From Erving to Goffman reads Goffman’s life through his performances on stage, at the lectern, before an audience. Winkin treats the lecture—Goffman’s own conference talks, his writings on the lecture form, and even a lecture on the lecture—as a reflexive device to draw out how the Canadian-born Erving became Goffman the American sociologist. We learn how Goffman, the quintessential observer of performance in everyday life, performed himself into professional existence. In talk after talk, he managed the impressions he gave off with often-eccentric care. From Erving to Goffman is a biography in miniature, with an account of the scholar’s life joined to a collection of conference-vignettes from his visits around the world. It is a story of a sociologist made in performance, with photographers banned and appearances—on and off-stage—orchestrated. It is fitting that, in a book about self-exemplifying self-making, Winkin concludes with an eloquent account of his own decades-long project to write a full biography, still retracing Goffman’s steps forty years on. From Erving to Goffman, the latest installment in the Goffman in the Open series, is an unusually perceptive portrait-in-fragments of the sociologist who became Goffman. 04 00 Prologue: Regal Goffman, Against all Odds Part One: Such a Short Life, Such a Powerful Body of Work Part Two: Goffman on Stage Part Three: The Lecture as Performance Epilogue: How (Not) to Complete a Biography? References Name Index 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966c_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966b 1 4 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Prologue: Regal Goffman, Against all Odds 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.f28c17d3 5 19 15 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part One: Such a Short Life, Such a Powerful Body of Work 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ab57f389 20 46 27 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part Two: Goffman on Stage 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.40213a44 47 61 15 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Part Three: The Lecture as Performance 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.4434379d 62 72 11 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Epilogue: How (Not) to Complete a Biography? 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ca930c86 73 78 6 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 Yves Winkin Yves Winkin Yves Winkin was trained in Communication at the University of Liège (Belgium) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He has taught in Belgium, France, and elsewhere in the world, from Africa to China. He has written extensively on the history of recent American social sciences with a focus on the life and work of Erving Goffman, whom he got to know from 1976 to 1982. Thanks to Goffman, he spent a semester observing monkeys at the Philadelphia zoo. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Yves Winkin 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/from-erving-to-goffman-a-work-in-performance Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20260215 Yves Winkin 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399443 03 9781951399443 06 15 9781951399399 03 9781951399399 06 15 9781951399443 03 9781951399443 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6758557716 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6758557716 20 08 20260215 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/from-erving-to-goffman-a-work-in-performance 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.e3d5966c.epub 20 08 20260215 01 urn:uuid:3642514c-e0b7-4414-8557-0bf9907c0129 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:b578a74f-c2ca-4971-aa2c-6c43174d0ba8 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:3642514c-e0b7-4414-8557-0bf9907c0129 15 9781951399504 03 9781951399504 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7ds72 13 2025943425 00 BC 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 98960f77-e6b6-417d-95ca-e5df3d62edc4 02 26376091 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/history-of-media-studies 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://www.mediastudies.press/history-of-media-studies 03 1 01 02 History of Media Studies Series 01 01 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication Armand Mattelart’s Intellectual Journey 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 2 B06 William Quinn William Quinn William Quinn is a translator based in Guadalajara, Mexico. He holds a master’s degree in the Communication of Science and Culture from ITESO, where he taught for over 25 years. His translations span topics from data science and Nietzsche to the World Wide Web and childrearing in Mazahua communities. 3 B06 Peter Simonson Simonson Peter 40 02ttsq026 University of Colorado Boulder Peter Simonson is Professor Emeritus of Communication at the University of Colorado Boulder and co-editor of the journal History of Media Studies. He has authored or edited five books, including The International History of Communication Study (2015, with David W. Park) and in recent years has been involved in various international projects on the history of communication studies across the Americas. 01 eng 00 300 03 93 QDTS 10 SOC076000 93 JBCC9 10 SOC026040 93 JHBA 10 POL042000 93 JPFN 93 1KLSC 01 06 02 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. 03 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. First published in Spanish, Mariano Zarowsky’s study traces Mattelart’s path from his early work in demography and law, through his political engagement in Salvador Allende’s Chile, to his later role in shaping debates in France and globally on media, cultural politics, and transnational communication.The book offers a rich account of Mattelart’s life and work, and the shifting political, institutional, and epistemological contexts that shaped his thinking and progressive activism. Along the way, it illuminates his distinctive style of research in relation to Anglophone political economy and other strands of critical research. In doing so, Zarowsky positions Mattelart as a theorist whose work emerged from—and continues to speak to—global struggles over culture, knowledge, and power and relations between the Global North and South.As the first English edition of Zarowsky’s landmark study, From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication, will appeal to scholars of critical communication studies, Latin American and transnational cultural theory, and those working on the history of the social sciences across global contexts. 30 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. First published in Spanish, Mariano Zarowsky’s study traces Mattelart’s path from his early work in demography and law, through his political engagement in Salvador Allende’s Chile, to his later role in shaping debates in France and globally on media, cultural politics, and transnational communication.The book offers a rich account of Mattelart’s life and work, and the shifting political, institutional, and epistemological contexts that shaped his thinking and progressive activism. Along the way, it illuminates his distinctive style of research in relation to Anglophone political economy and other strands of critical research. In doing so, Zarowsky positions Mattelart as a theorist whose work emerged from—and continues to speak to—global struggles over culture, knowledge, and power and relations between the Global North and South.As the first English edition of Zarowsky’s landmark study, From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication, will appeal to scholars of critical communication studies, Latin American and transnational cultural theory, and those working on the history of the social sciences across global contexts. 04 00 Preface to the English Translation - Mariano Zarowsky xi Foreword to the English Translation - Peter Simonson xii Prologue - Héctor Schmucler xliii Introduction: The Intellectual Journey of a Multi-faceted Man 1 Chapter One: Armand Mattelart and Latin American Communication Studies 18 Chapter Two: The Chilean Laboratory: Configuration of an Intellectual Disposition 36 Chapter Three: The Years of Exile: From Popular Unity to the Unité de la Gauche 90 Chapter Four: The Connection-World, or the Cultural Networks of the Popular International of Communication 116 Chapter Five Between the Mitterrand (Dis)enchantment and the Institutionalization of Communication Science 142 Interlude: From the Itinerary to the Cognitive Map 167 Chapter Six: Class Analysis of Communication, or the Critique of its Political Economy 170 Chapter Seven: World-Communication: Knowledge and Power in the Web of Global Hegemony 200 Final Words 230 Bibliography 237 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7ds7_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e162eef9 xi xi 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the English Translation 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.2e7c5a9a xii xlii 32 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Foreword to the English Translation 1 A01 Peter Simonson Simonson Peter 40 02ttsq026 University of Colorado Boulder Peter Simonson is Professor Emeritus of Communication at the University of Colorado Boulder and co-editor of the journal History of Media Studies. He has authored or edited five books, including The International History of Communication Study (2015, with David W. Park) and in recent years has been involved in various international projects on the history of communication studies across the Americas. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Simonson, Peter 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7d22b xliii xlvi 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Prologue 1 A01 Héctor Schmucler Héctor Schmucler 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Schmucler, Héctor 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ebc5fa10 1 17 17 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction: The Intellectual Journey of a Multi-faceted Man 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.1cbd9441 18 35 18 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter One: Armand Mattelart and Latin American Communication Studies 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.25e8ec8e 36 89 54 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Two: The Chilean Laboratory: Configuration of an Intellectual Disposition 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.62d3f3c8 90 115 26 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Three: The Years of Exile: From Popular Unity to the Unité de la Gauche 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.69812a1d 116 141 26 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Four: The Connection-World, or the Cultural Networks of the Popular International of Communication 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 9 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.0b45ae17 142 166 25 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Five: Between the Mitterrand (Dis)enchantment and the Institutionalization of Communication Science 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 10 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.caa6e625 167 169 3 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Interlude: From the Itinerary to the Cognitive Map 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 11 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e756e923 170 199 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Six: Class Analysis of Communication, or the Critique of its Political Economy 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 12 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.643e57bd 200 229 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Seven: World-Communication: Knowledge and Power in the Web of Global Hegemony 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 13 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.41f1b611 230 236 7 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Final Words 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 14 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.9c3ba54e 237 264 28 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Bibliography 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/from-the-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication-armand-mattelarts-intellectual-journey 16 Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Comercio Internacional y Culto 01 programname Programa Sur de Apoyo a las Traducciones Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20251015 Zarowsky, Mariano 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399474 03 9781951399474 06 15 9781951399481 03 9781951399481 06 15 9781951399498 03 9781951399498 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399501 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399501 20 08 20251015 02 10.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:8eab25aa-2d27-44cc-868a-7e9a5f1463b0 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:b578a74f-c2ca-4971-aa2c-6c43174d0ba8 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:8eab25aa-2d27-44cc-868a-7e9a5f1463b0 15 9781951399474 03 9781951399474 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7ds72 13 2025943425 00 EB E107 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 98960f77-e6b6-417d-95ca-e5df3d62edc4 02 26376091 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/history-of-media-studies 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://www.mediastudies.press/history-of-media-studies 03 1 01 02 History of Media Studies Series 01 01 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication Armand Mattelart’s Intellectual Journey 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 2 B06 William Quinn William Quinn William Quinn is a translator based in Guadalajara, Mexico. He holds a master’s degree in the Communication of Science and Culture from ITESO, where he taught for over 25 years. His translations span topics from data science and Nietzsche to the World Wide Web and childrearing in Mazahua communities. 3 B06 Peter Simonson Simonson Peter 40 02ttsq026 University of Colorado Boulder Peter Simonson is Professor Emeritus of Communication at the University of Colorado Boulder and co-editor of the journal History of Media Studies. He has authored or edited five books, including The International History of Communication Study (2015, with David W. Park) and in recent years has been involved in various international projects on the history of communication studies across the Americas. 01 eng 00 300 03 93 QDTS 10 SOC076000 93 JBCC9 10 SOC026040 93 JHBA 10 POL042000 93 JPFN 93 1KLSC 01 06 02 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. 03 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. First published in Spanish, Mariano Zarowsky’s study traces Mattelart’s path from his early work in demography and law, through his political engagement in Salvador Allende’s Chile, to his later role in shaping debates in France and globally on media, cultural politics, and transnational communication.The book offers a rich account of Mattelart’s life and work, and the shifting political, institutional, and epistemological contexts that shaped his thinking and progressive activism. Along the way, it illuminates his distinctive style of research in relation to Anglophone political economy and other strands of critical research. In doing so, Zarowsky positions Mattelart as a theorist whose work emerged from—and continues to speak to—global struggles over culture, knowledge, and power and relations between the Global North and South.As the first English edition of Zarowsky’s landmark study, From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication, will appeal to scholars of critical communication studies, Latin American and transnational cultural theory, and those working on the history of the social sciences across global contexts. 30 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. First published in Spanish, Mariano Zarowsky’s study traces Mattelart’s path from his early work in demography and law, through his political engagement in Salvador Allende’s Chile, to his later role in shaping debates in France and globally on media, cultural politics, and transnational communication.The book offers a rich account of Mattelart’s life and work, and the shifting political, institutional, and epistemological contexts that shaped his thinking and progressive activism. Along the way, it illuminates his distinctive style of research in relation to Anglophone political economy and other strands of critical research. In doing so, Zarowsky positions Mattelart as a theorist whose work emerged from—and continues to speak to—global struggles over culture, knowledge, and power and relations between the Global North and South.As the first English edition of Zarowsky’s landmark study, From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication, will appeal to scholars of critical communication studies, Latin American and transnational cultural theory, and those working on the history of the social sciences across global contexts. 04 00 Preface to the English Translation - Mariano Zarowsky xi Foreword to the English Translation - Peter Simonson xii Prologue - Héctor Schmucler xliii Introduction: The Intellectual Journey of a Multi-faceted Man 1 Chapter One: Armand Mattelart and Latin American Communication Studies 18 Chapter Two: The Chilean Laboratory: Configuration of an Intellectual Disposition 36 Chapter Three: The Years of Exile: From Popular Unity to the Unité de la Gauche 90 Chapter Four: The Connection-World, or the Cultural Networks of the Popular International of Communication 116 Chapter Five Between the Mitterrand (Dis)enchantment and the Institutionalization of Communication Science 142 Interlude: From the Itinerary to the Cognitive Map 167 Chapter Six: Class Analysis of Communication, or the Critique of its Political Economy 170 Chapter Seven: World-Communication: Knowledge and Power in the Web of Global Hegemony 200 Final Words 230 Bibliography 237 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7ds7_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e162eef9 xi xi 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the English Translation 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.2e7c5a9a xii xlii 32 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Foreword to the English Translation 1 A01 Peter Simonson Simonson Peter 40 02ttsq026 University of Colorado Boulder Peter Simonson is Professor Emeritus of Communication at the University of Colorado Boulder and co-editor of the journal History of Media Studies. He has authored or edited five books, including The International History of Communication Study (2015, with David W. Park) and in recent years has been involved in various international projects on the history of communication studies across the Americas. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Simonson, Peter 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7d22b xliii xlvi 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Prologue 1 A01 Héctor Schmucler Héctor Schmucler 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Schmucler, Héctor 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ebc5fa10 1 17 17 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction: The Intellectual Journey of a Multi-faceted Man 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.1cbd9441 18 35 18 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter One: Armand Mattelart and Latin American Communication Studies 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.25e8ec8e 36 89 54 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Two: The Chilean Laboratory: Configuration of an Intellectual Disposition 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.62d3f3c8 90 115 26 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Three: The Years of Exile: From Popular Unity to the Unité de la Gauche 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.69812a1d 116 141 26 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Four: The Connection-World, or the Cultural Networks of the Popular International of Communication 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 9 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.0b45ae17 142 166 25 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Five: Between the Mitterrand (Dis)enchantment and the Institutionalization of Communication Science 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 10 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.caa6e625 167 169 3 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Interlude: From the Itinerary to the Cognitive Map 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 11 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e756e923 170 199 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Six: Class Analysis of Communication, or the Critique of its Political Economy 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 12 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.643e57bd 200 229 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Seven: World-Communication: Knowledge and Power in the Web of Global Hegemony 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 13 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.41f1b611 230 236 7 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Final Words 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 14 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.9c3ba54e 237 264 28 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Bibliography 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/from-the-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication-armand-mattelarts-intellectual-journey 16 Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Comercio Internacional y Culto 01 programname Programa Sur de Apoyo a las Traducciones Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20251015 Zarowsky, Mariano 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399504 03 9781951399504 06 15 9781951399481 03 9781951399481 06 15 9781951399498 03 9781951399498 WORLD 11 PROJECT_MUSE 36 PROJECT_MUSE: webpage for this product https://muse.jhu.edu/book/141172 29 PROJECT_MUSE: download the title https://muse.jhu.edu/book/141172/pdf/download 20 08 20251015 01 11 OAPEN 36 OAPEN: webpage for this product https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/106319 29 OAPEN: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/106319/9781951399474.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y 20 08 20251015 01 11 DOAB 36 DOAB: webpage for this product https://admin.directory.doabooks.org/handle/20.500.12854/167128 20 08 20251015 01 11 EBSCO_HOST 36 EBSCO_HOST: webpage for this product https://research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=952a2fd9-4379-3dfb-b720-0072bc70cdb8 20 08 20251015 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://libgen.li/edition.php?id=208322531 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://libgen.li/edition.php?id=208322531 20 08 20251015 01 11 GOOGLE_BOOKS 36 GOOGLE_BOOKS: webpage for this product https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=DLaPEQAAQBAJ 29 GOOGLE_BOOKS: download the title https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=DLaPEQAAQBAJ&pg=GBS.PR10&hl=en 20 08 20251015 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/b578a74f-c2ca-4971-aa2c-6c43174d0ba8 29 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: download the title https://archive.org/download/b578a74f-c2ca-4971-aa2c-6c43174d0ba8/b578a74f-c2ca-4971-aa2c-6c43174d0ba8.pdf 20 08 20251015 01 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/from-the-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication-armand-mattelarts-intellectual-journey 29 Publisher's website: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/zaworsky1.0/from-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication.pdf 20 08 20251015 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/from-the-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication-armand-mattelarts-intellectual-journey 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7ds7.pdf 20 08 20251015 01 urn:uuid:6254a43b-b98f-4091-b7e7-382d2508f3ec 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:b578a74f-c2ca-4971-aa2c-6c43174d0ba8 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:6254a43b-b98f-4091-b7e7-382d2508f3ec 15 9781951399481 03 9781951399481 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7ds72 13 2025943425 00 EB E105 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 98960f77-e6b6-417d-95ca-e5df3d62edc4 02 26376091 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/history-of-media-studies 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://www.mediastudies.press/history-of-media-studies 03 1 01 02 History of Media Studies Series 01 01 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication Armand Mattelart’s Intellectual Journey 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 2 B06 William Quinn William Quinn William Quinn is a translator based in Guadalajara, Mexico. He holds a master’s degree in the Communication of Science and Culture from ITESO, where he taught for over 25 years. His translations span topics from data science and Nietzsche to the World Wide Web and childrearing in Mazahua communities. 3 B06 Peter Simonson Simonson Peter 40 02ttsq026 University of Colorado Boulder Peter Simonson is Professor Emeritus of Communication at the University of Colorado Boulder and co-editor of the journal History of Media Studies. He has authored or edited five books, including The International History of Communication Study (2015, with David W. Park) and in recent years has been involved in various international projects on the history of communication studies across the Americas. 01 eng 00 300 03 93 QDTS 10 SOC076000 93 JBCC9 10 SOC026040 93 JHBA 10 POL042000 93 JPFN 93 1KLSC 01 06 02 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. 03 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. First published in Spanish, Mariano Zarowsky’s study traces Mattelart’s path from his early work in demography and law, through his political engagement in Salvador Allende’s Chile, to his later role in shaping debates in France and globally on media, cultural politics, and transnational communication.The book offers a rich account of Mattelart’s life and work, and the shifting political, institutional, and epistemological contexts that shaped his thinking and progressive activism. Along the way, it illuminates his distinctive style of research in relation to Anglophone political economy and other strands of critical research. In doing so, Zarowsky positions Mattelart as a theorist whose work emerged from—and continues to speak to—global struggles over culture, knowledge, and power and relations between the Global North and South.As the first English edition of Zarowsky’s landmark study, From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication, will appeal to scholars of critical communication studies, Latin American and transnational cultural theory, and those working on the history of the social sciences across global contexts. 30 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. First published in Spanish, Mariano Zarowsky’s study traces Mattelart’s path from his early work in demography and law, through his political engagement in Salvador Allende’s Chile, to his later role in shaping debates in France and globally on media, cultural politics, and transnational communication.The book offers a rich account of Mattelart’s life and work, and the shifting political, institutional, and epistemological contexts that shaped his thinking and progressive activism. Along the way, it illuminates his distinctive style of research in relation to Anglophone political economy and other strands of critical research. In doing so, Zarowsky positions Mattelart as a theorist whose work emerged from—and continues to speak to—global struggles over culture, knowledge, and power and relations between the Global North and South.As the first English edition of Zarowsky’s landmark study, From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication, will appeal to scholars of critical communication studies, Latin American and transnational cultural theory, and those working on the history of the social sciences across global contexts. 04 00 Preface to the English Translation - Mariano Zarowsky xi Foreword to the English Translation - Peter Simonson xii Prologue - Héctor Schmucler xliii Introduction: The Intellectual Journey of a Multi-faceted Man 1 Chapter One: Armand Mattelart and Latin American Communication Studies 18 Chapter Two: The Chilean Laboratory: Configuration of an Intellectual Disposition 36 Chapter Three: The Years of Exile: From Popular Unity to the Unité de la Gauche 90 Chapter Four: The Connection-World, or the Cultural Networks of the Popular International of Communication 116 Chapter Five Between the Mitterrand (Dis)enchantment and the Institutionalization of Communication Science 142 Interlude: From the Itinerary to the Cognitive Map 167 Chapter Six: Class Analysis of Communication, or the Critique of its Political Economy 170 Chapter Seven: World-Communication: Knowledge and Power in the Web of Global Hegemony 200 Final Words 230 Bibliography 237 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7ds7_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e162eef9 xi xi 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the English Translation 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.2e7c5a9a xii xlii 32 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Foreword to the English Translation 1 A01 Peter Simonson Simonson Peter 40 02ttsq026 University of Colorado Boulder Peter Simonson is Professor Emeritus of Communication at the University of Colorado Boulder and co-editor of the journal History of Media Studies. He has authored or edited five books, including The International History of Communication Study (2015, with David W. Park) and in recent years has been involved in various international projects on the history of communication studies across the Americas. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Simonson, Peter 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7d22b xliii xlvi 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Prologue 1 A01 Héctor Schmucler Héctor Schmucler 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Schmucler, Héctor 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ebc5fa10 1 17 17 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction: The Intellectual Journey of a Multi-faceted Man 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.1cbd9441 18 35 18 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter One: Armand Mattelart and Latin American Communication Studies 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.25e8ec8e 36 89 54 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Two: The Chilean Laboratory: Configuration of an Intellectual Disposition 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.62d3f3c8 90 115 26 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Three: The Years of Exile: From Popular Unity to the Unité de la Gauche 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.69812a1d 116 141 26 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Four: The Connection-World, or the Cultural Networks of the Popular International of Communication 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 9 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.0b45ae17 142 166 25 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Five: Between the Mitterrand (Dis)enchantment and the Institutionalization of Communication Science 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 10 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.caa6e625 167 169 3 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Interlude: From the Itinerary to the Cognitive Map 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 11 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e756e923 170 199 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Six: Class Analysis of Communication, or the Critique of its Political Economy 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 12 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.643e57bd 200 229 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Seven: World-Communication: Knowledge and Power in the Web of Global Hegemony 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 13 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.41f1b611 230 236 7 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Final Words 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 14 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.9c3ba54e 237 264 28 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Bibliography 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/from-the-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication-armand-mattelarts-intellectual-journey 16 Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Comercio Internacional y Culto 01 programname Programa Sur de Apoyo a las Traducciones Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20251015 Zarowsky, Mariano 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399504 03 9781951399504 06 15 9781951399474 03 9781951399474 06 15 9781951399498 03 9781951399498 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/from-the-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication-armand-mattelarts-intellectual-journey 29 Publisher's website: download the title https://www.mediastudies.press/from-the-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication-armand-mattelarts-intellectual-journey 20 08 20251015 01 urn:uuid:4a9dec5b-f8ad-49d9-a8d7-a9763d787675 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:b578a74f-c2ca-4971-aa2c-6c43174d0ba8 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:4a9dec5b-f8ad-49d9-a8d7-a9763d787675 15 9781951399498 03 9781951399498 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7ds72 13 2025943425 00 EB E101 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 98960f77-e6b6-417d-95ca-e5df3d62edc4 02 26376091 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/history-of-media-studies 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://www.mediastudies.press/history-of-media-studies 03 1 01 02 History of Media Studies Series 01 01 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication Armand Mattelart’s Intellectual Journey 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 2 B06 William Quinn William Quinn William Quinn is a translator based in Guadalajara, Mexico. He holds a master’s degree in the Communication of Science and Culture from ITESO, where he taught for over 25 years. His translations span topics from data science and Nietzsche to the World Wide Web and childrearing in Mazahua communities. 3 B06 Peter Simonson Simonson Peter 40 02ttsq026 University of Colorado Boulder Peter Simonson is Professor Emeritus of Communication at the University of Colorado Boulder and co-editor of the journal History of Media Studies. He has authored or edited five books, including The International History of Communication Study (2015, with David W. Park) and in recent years has been involved in various international projects on the history of communication studies across the Americas. 01 eng 00 300 03 93 QDTS 10 SOC076000 93 JBCC9 10 SOC026040 93 JHBA 10 POL042000 93 JPFN 93 1KLSC 01 06 02 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. 03 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. First published in Spanish, Mariano Zarowsky’s study traces Mattelart’s path from his early work in demography and law, through his political engagement in Salvador Allende’s Chile, to his later role in shaping debates in France and globally on media, cultural politics, and transnational communication.The book offers a rich account of Mattelart’s life and work, and the shifting political, institutional, and epistemological contexts that shaped his thinking and progressive activism. Along the way, it illuminates his distinctive style of research in relation to Anglophone political economy and other strands of critical research. In doing so, Zarowsky positions Mattelart as a theorist whose work emerged from—and continues to speak to—global struggles over culture, knowledge, and power and relations between the Global North and South.As the first English edition of Zarowsky’s landmark study, From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication, will appeal to scholars of critical communication studies, Latin American and transnational cultural theory, and those working on the history of the social sciences across global contexts. 30 00 From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication follows Armand Mattelart’s intellectual trajectory through Cold War geopolitics and the rise of critical communication studies in Latin America and Europe. First published in Spanish, Mariano Zarowsky’s study traces Mattelart’s path from his early work in demography and law, through his political engagement in Salvador Allende’s Chile, to his later role in shaping debates in France and globally on media, cultural politics, and transnational communication.The book offers a rich account of Mattelart’s life and work, and the shifting political, institutional, and epistemological contexts that shaped his thinking and progressive activism. Along the way, it illuminates his distinctive style of research in relation to Anglophone political economy and other strands of critical research. In doing so, Zarowsky positions Mattelart as a theorist whose work emerged from—and continues to speak to—global struggles over culture, knowledge, and power and relations between the Global North and South.As the first English edition of Zarowsky’s landmark study, From the Chilean Laboratory to World-Communication, will appeal to scholars of critical communication studies, Latin American and transnational cultural theory, and those working on the history of the social sciences across global contexts. 04 00 Preface to the English Translation - Mariano Zarowsky xi Foreword to the English Translation - Peter Simonson xii Prologue - Héctor Schmucler xliii Introduction: The Intellectual Journey of a Multi-faceted Man 1 Chapter One: Armand Mattelart and Latin American Communication Studies 18 Chapter Two: The Chilean Laboratory: Configuration of an Intellectual Disposition 36 Chapter Three: The Years of Exile: From Popular Unity to the Unité de la Gauche 90 Chapter Four: The Connection-World, or the Cultural Networks of the Popular International of Communication 116 Chapter Five Between the Mitterrand (Dis)enchantment and the Institutionalization of Communication Science 142 Interlude: From the Itinerary to the Cognitive Map 167 Chapter Six: Class Analysis of Communication, or the Critique of its Political Economy 170 Chapter Seven: World-Communication: Knowledge and Power in the Web of Global Hegemony 200 Final Words 230 Bibliography 237 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7ds7_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e162eef9 xi xi 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the English Translation 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.2e7c5a9a xii xlii 32 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Foreword to the English Translation 1 A01 Peter Simonson Simonson Peter 40 02ttsq026 University of Colorado Boulder Peter Simonson is Professor Emeritus of Communication at the University of Colorado Boulder and co-editor of the journal History of Media Studies. He has authored or edited five books, including The International History of Communication Study (2015, with David W. Park) and in recent years has been involved in various international projects on the history of communication studies across the Americas. 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Simonson, Peter 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7d22b xliii xlvi 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Prologue 1 A01 Héctor Schmucler Héctor Schmucler 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Schmucler, Héctor 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ebc5fa10 1 17 17 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction: The Intellectual Journey of a Multi-faceted Man 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.1cbd9441 18 35 18 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter One: Armand Mattelart and Latin American Communication Studies 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.25e8ec8e 36 89 54 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Two: The Chilean Laboratory: Configuration of an Intellectual Disposition 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.62d3f3c8 90 115 26 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Three: The Years of Exile: From Popular Unity to the Unité de la Gauche 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.69812a1d 116 141 26 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Four: The Connection-World, or the Cultural Networks of the Popular International of Communication 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 9 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.0b45ae17 142 166 25 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Five: Between the Mitterrand (Dis)enchantment and the Institutionalization of Communication Science 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 10 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.caa6e625 167 169 3 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Interlude: From the Itinerary to the Cognitive Map 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 11 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.e756e923 170 199 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Six: Class Analysis of Communication, or the Critique of its Political Economy 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 12 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.643e57bd 200 229 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Seven: World-Communication: Knowledge and Power in the Web of Global Hegemony 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 13 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.41f1b611 230 236 7 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Final Words 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 14 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.9c3ba54e 237 264 28 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Bibliography 1 A01 Mariano Zarowsky Mariano Zarowsky CONICET 40 0081fs513 University of Buenos Aires Mariano Zarowsky is a researcher at Argentina’s National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) and teaches at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA). His research intersects the history of intellectuals, communication studies, and political culture in Argentina and Latin America. He is the author of Allende en la Argentina: intelectuales, prensa y edición entre lo local y lo global (1970–1976) (2023), Los estudios en comunicación en la Argentina: ideas, intelectuales, tradiciones político-culturales, 1956–1985 (2017). 01 eng 20 00 Open Access Zarowsky, Mariano 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/from-the-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication-armand-mattelarts-intellectual-journey 16 Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Comercio Internacional y Culto 01 programname Programa Sur de Apoyo a las Traducciones Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20251015 Zarowsky, Mariano 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399504 03 9781951399504 06 15 9781951399474 03 9781951399474 06 15 9781951399481 03 9781951399481 WORLD 11 PROJECT_MUSE 36 PROJECT_MUSE: webpage for this product https://muse.jhu.edu/book/141172 29 PROJECT_MUSE: download the title https://muse.jhu.edu/book/141172/epub 20 08 20251015 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6753191246 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6753191246 20 08 20251015 01 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/from-the-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication-armand-mattelarts-intellectual-journey 29 Publisher's website: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/zaworsky1.0/from-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication.epub 20 08 20251015 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/from-the-chilean-laboratory-to-world-communication-armand-mattelarts-intellectual-journey 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.08e7ds7.epub 20 08 20251015 01 urn:uuid:314143df-f47a-4ca3-a089-33390e69df05 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:66ea3d88-3206-4c2d-b5ee-5837726bd76a 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:314143df-f47a-4ca3-a089-33390e69df05 15 9781951399337 03 9781951399337 13 2025938544 00 BC 10 01 229 mm 01 22.9 cm 01 9 in 02 152 mm 02 15.2 cm 02 6 in 01 01 Independent, Alternative, and Community Media An Open Reader 1 B01 21 0000000170191525 David W. Park David W. Park James D. Vail III Professor of Communication 40 04rmtzr09 Lake Forest College David W. Park is the James D. Vail III Professor of Communication at Lake Forest College. His scholarship concerns history of media studies, applications of social theory to the media, and independent, alternative, and community media. He is a co-director of mediastudies.press and a co-editor of History of Media Studies. 2 B01 21 0000000333157680 Meghan Grosse Meghan Grosse Associate Professor and Chair of Communication and Media Studies 40 02vk0qj37 Washington College Meghan Grosse is an Associate Professor and Chair of Communication and Media Studies at Washington College. Her scholarship explores internet governance policies, independent media, and the relationship between critical information literacy practices and civic engagement. 93 JBC 10 SOC052000 93 JBS 10 SOC022000 10 BUS070060 93 JB 01 06 02 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community 03 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community Media: An Open Reader compiles a carefully curated set of 76 open access entries reflecting inclusive and global perspectives in the study of this important domain. Editors David W. Park and Meghan Grosse divide this substantial work into eleven thematic sections, ranging from production to audiences, activism to policy, labor to localism, and more. As an open educational resource, Independent, Alternative, and Community Media provides a vast landscape from which instructors and students can find material to fit almost any course that considers the rangy and complex world of independent, alternative, and community media. 30 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community Media: An Open Reader compiles a carefully curated set of 76 open access entries reflecting inclusive and global perspectives in the study of this important domain. Editors David W. Park and Meghan Grosse divide this substantial work into eleven thematic sections, ranging from production to audiences, activism to policy, labor to localism, and more. As an open educational resource, Independent, Alternative, and Community Media provides a vast landscape from which instructors and students can find material to fit almost any course that considers the rangy and complex world of independent, alternative, and community media. 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 01 20260415 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399306 03 9781951399306 06 15 9781951399313 03 9781951399313 06 15 9781951399320 03 9781951399320 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 10 08 20260415 01 urn:uuid:ca057a1d-7c2a-4f50-9981-32ff203ea9ef 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:66ea3d88-3206-4c2d-b5ee-5837726bd76a 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:ca057a1d-7c2a-4f50-9981-32ff203ea9ef 15 9781951399306 03 9781951399306 13 2025938544 00 EB E107 10 01 01 Independent, Alternative, and Community Media An Open Reader 1 B01 21 0000000170191525 David W. Park David W. Park James D. Vail III Professor of Communication 40 04rmtzr09 Lake Forest College David W. Park is the James D. Vail III Professor of Communication at Lake Forest College. His scholarship concerns history of media studies, applications of social theory to the media, and independent, alternative, and community media. He is a co-director of mediastudies.press and a co-editor of History of Media Studies. 2 B01 21 0000000333157680 Meghan Grosse Meghan Grosse Associate Professor and Chair of Communication and Media Studies 40 02vk0qj37 Washington College Meghan Grosse is an Associate Professor and Chair of Communication and Media Studies at Washington College. Her scholarship explores internet governance policies, independent media, and the relationship between critical information literacy practices and civic engagement. 93 JBC 10 SOC052000 93 JBS 10 SOC022000 10 BUS070060 93 JB 01 06 02 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community 03 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community Media: An Open Reader compiles a carefully curated set of 76 open access entries reflecting inclusive and global perspectives in the study of this important domain. Editors David W. Park and Meghan Grosse divide this substantial work into eleven thematic sections, ranging from production to audiences, activism to policy, labor to localism, and more. As an open educational resource, Independent, Alternative, and Community Media provides a vast landscape from which instructors and students can find material to fit almost any course that considers the rangy and complex world of independent, alternative, and community media. 30 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community Media: An Open Reader compiles a carefully curated set of 76 open access entries reflecting inclusive and global perspectives in the study of this important domain. Editors David W. Park and Meghan Grosse divide this substantial work into eleven thematic sections, ranging from production to audiences, activism to policy, labor to localism, and more. As an open educational resource, Independent, Alternative, and Community Media provides a vast landscape from which instructors and students can find material to fit almost any course that considers the rangy and complex world of independent, alternative, and community media. 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 01 20260415 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399337 03 9781951399337 06 15 9781951399313 03 9781951399313 06 15 9781951399320 03 9781951399320 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 10 08 20260415 01 urn:uuid:d5e37492-5505-4d76-bf16-cae78e61ebe2 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:66ea3d88-3206-4c2d-b5ee-5837726bd76a 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:d5e37492-5505-4d76-bf16-cae78e61ebe2 15 9781951399313 03 9781951399313 13 2025938544 00 EB E105 10 01 01 Independent, Alternative, and Community Media An Open Reader 1 B01 21 0000000170191525 David W. Park David W. Park James D. Vail III Professor of Communication 40 04rmtzr09 Lake Forest College David W. Park is the James D. Vail III Professor of Communication at Lake Forest College. His scholarship concerns history of media studies, applications of social theory to the media, and independent, alternative, and community media. He is a co-director of mediastudies.press and a co-editor of History of Media Studies. 2 B01 21 0000000333157680 Meghan Grosse Meghan Grosse Associate Professor and Chair of Communication and Media Studies 40 02vk0qj37 Washington College Meghan Grosse is an Associate Professor and Chair of Communication and Media Studies at Washington College. Her scholarship explores internet governance policies, independent media, and the relationship between critical information literacy practices and civic engagement. 93 JBC 10 SOC052000 93 JBS 10 SOC022000 10 BUS070060 93 JB 01 06 02 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community 03 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community Media: An Open Reader compiles a carefully curated set of 76 open access entries reflecting inclusive and global perspectives in the study of this important domain. Editors David W. Park and Meghan Grosse divide this substantial work into eleven thematic sections, ranging from production to audiences, activism to policy, labor to localism, and more. As an open educational resource, Independent, Alternative, and Community Media provides a vast landscape from which instructors and students can find material to fit almost any course that considers the rangy and complex world of independent, alternative, and community media. 30 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community Media: An Open Reader compiles a carefully curated set of 76 open access entries reflecting inclusive and global perspectives in the study of this important domain. Editors David W. Park and Meghan Grosse divide this substantial work into eleven thematic sections, ranging from production to audiences, activism to policy, labor to localism, and more. As an open educational resource, Independent, Alternative, and Community Media provides a vast landscape from which instructors and students can find material to fit almost any course that considers the rangy and complex world of independent, alternative, and community media. 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 01 20260415 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399337 03 9781951399337 06 15 9781951399306 03 9781951399306 06 15 9781951399320 03 9781951399320 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 10 08 20260415 01 urn:uuid:9021fb7d-479c-4b04-bfc2-25333d2a4097 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:66ea3d88-3206-4c2d-b5ee-5837726bd76a 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:9021fb7d-479c-4b04-bfc2-25333d2a4097 15 9781951399320 03 9781951399320 13 2025938544 00 EB E101 10 01 01 Independent, Alternative, and Community Media An Open Reader 1 B01 21 0000000170191525 David W. Park David W. Park James D. Vail III Professor of Communication 40 04rmtzr09 Lake Forest College David W. Park is the James D. Vail III Professor of Communication at Lake Forest College. His scholarship concerns history of media studies, applications of social theory to the media, and independent, alternative, and community media. He is a co-director of mediastudies.press and a co-editor of History of Media Studies. 2 B01 21 0000000333157680 Meghan Grosse Meghan Grosse Associate Professor and Chair of Communication and Media Studies 40 02vk0qj37 Washington College Meghan Grosse is an Associate Professor and Chair of Communication and Media Studies at Washington College. Her scholarship explores internet governance policies, independent media, and the relationship between critical information literacy practices and civic engagement. 93 JBC 10 SOC052000 93 JBS 10 SOC022000 10 BUS070060 93 JB 01 06 02 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community 03 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community Media: An Open Reader compiles a carefully curated set of 76 open access entries reflecting inclusive and global perspectives in the study of this important domain. Editors David W. Park and Meghan Grosse divide this substantial work into eleven thematic sections, ranging from production to audiences, activism to policy, labor to localism, and more. As an open educational resource, Independent, Alternative, and Community Media provides a vast landscape from which instructors and students can find material to fit almost any course that considers the rangy and complex world of independent, alternative, and community media. 30 00 Independent, alternative, and community media occupy an important place in the cultural imaginary, where they often represent hopes for a better media environment, one less fully controlled by powerful entities and more open to democratic intervention. They also loom large in the world of media studies. Independent, Alternative, and Community Media: An Open Reader compiles a carefully curated set of 76 open access entries reflecting inclusive and global perspectives in the study of this important domain. Editors David W. Park and Meghan Grosse divide this substantial work into eleven thematic sections, ranging from production to audiences, activism to policy, labor to localism, and more. As an open educational resource, Independent, Alternative, and Community Media provides a vast landscape from which instructors and students can find material to fit almost any course that considers the rangy and complex world of independent, alternative, and community media. 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 01 20260415 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399337 03 9781951399337 06 15 9781951399306 03 9781951399306 06 15 9781951399313 03 9781951399313 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 10 08 20260415 01 urn:uuid:1d5c06ad-7cd7-4345-8e05-997c8aeb6d59 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:44578f12-cab9-41e5-87d2-fb014511798d 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:1d5c06ad-7cd7-4345-8e05-997c8aeb6d59 15 9781951399368 03 9781951399368 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c2702120 13 2023950497 00 BC 10 01 152 mm 01 15.2 cm 01 6 in 02 229 mm 02 22.9 cm 02 9 in 03 14 mm 03 1.4 cm 03 0.57 in Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 2 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 Killer Fandom Fan Studies and the Celebrity Serial Killer 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Outreach and Research Associate 40 04f2nsd36 Lancaster University Research Fellow 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 01 eng 00 256 03 09 9 11 7 12 BTC 93 JBCC1 10 SOC022000 93 DNXC3 12 JFCA 10 SOC052000 93 JBCT1 12 JFD 10 TRU002010 01 06 02 00 Killer Fandom, in the first long-form treatment, examines serial killer fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play—with close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube. 03 00 Killer Fandom is the first long-form treatment of serial killer fandom. Fan studies have mostly ignored this most moralized form of fandom, as a stigmatized Bad Other in implicit tension with the field’s successful campaign to recuperate the broader fan category. Yet serial killer fandom, as Judith May Fathallah shows in the book, can be usefully studied with many of the field’s leading analytic frameworks. After tracing the pre-digital history of fans, mediated celebrity, and killers, Fathallah examines contemporary fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play. With close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube, alongside documentaries, podcasts, and a thriving “murderabilia” industry, Killer Fandom argues that this fan culture is, in many ways, hard to distinguish from more “mainstream” fandoms. Fan creations around Aileen Wuornos, Jeffrey Dahmer, Ted Bundy, and Richard Ramirez, among others, demonstrate a complex and shifting stance toward their objects—marked by parodic humor and irony in many cases. Killer Fandom ultimately questions—given our crime-and violence-saturated media culture—whether it makes sense to set Dahmer and Wuornos “fans” apart from the rest of us. 30 00 Killer Fandom is the first long-form treatment of serial killer fandom. Fan studies have mostly ignored this most moralized form of fandom, as a stigmatized Bad Other in implicit tension with the field’s successful campaign to recuperate the broader fan category. Yet serial killer fandom, as Judith May Fathallah shows in the book, can be usefully studied with many of the field’s leading analytic frameworks. After tracing the pre-digital history of fans, mediated celebrity, and killers, Fathallah examines contemporary fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play. With close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube, alongside documentaries, podcasts, and a thriving “murderabilia” industry, Killer Fandom argues that this fan culture is, in many ways, hard to distinguish from more “mainstream” fandoms. Fan creations around Aileen Wuornos, Jeffrey Dahmer, Ted Bundy, and Richard Ramirez, among others, demonstrate a complex and shifting stance toward their objects—marked by parodic humor and irony in many cases. Killer Fandom ultimately questions—given our crime-and violence-saturated media culture—whether it makes sense to set Dahmer and Wuornos “fans” apart from the rest of us. 04 00 Contents List of Figures List of Tables Introduction 1. Fanlike Engagement before Fan Studies: Personators, Collectors, and Groupies 2. Textual Poaching to Discursive Formations: Serial Killers and Fannish Creation 3. Affect, Bonding, Boundaries: Is There Serial Killer Fan Community? 4. Killer Fandom and (Sub)Cultural Capital 5. Serial Killer Fandom as Digital Play References Acknowledgments 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.c2702120_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.e2bd7a2a 1 31 31 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c38097a8 33 56 24 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: Fanlike Engagement before Fan Studies Personators, Collectors, and Groupies 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9ca733c9 57 110 54 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: Textual Poaching to Discursive Formations Serial Killers and Fannish Creation 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.78a918aa 111 142 32 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Affect, Bonding, Boundaries Is There Serial Killer Fan Community? 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.748ed301 143 172 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Killer Fandom and (Sub)Cultural Capital 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.282d70d6 173 201 29 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: Serial Killer Fandom as Digital Play 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.84040dde 204 241 38 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4554f1b4 243 243 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Acknowledgments 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/killer-fandom 16 40 04f2nsd36 32 10.13039/100010029 Lancaster University 01 programname Pilot University OA Fund 2023-2024 - Books Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20231106 Fathallah, Judith May 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399238 03 9781951399238 06 15 9781951399245 03 9781951399245 06 15 9781951399252 03 9781951399252 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399366 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399366 20 08 20231106 02 20.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:75cbf938-2d38-4b2d-93fe-8fdf1eabad69 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:44578f12-cab9-41e5-87d2-fb014511798d 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:75cbf938-2d38-4b2d-93fe-8fdf1eabad69 15 9781951399238 03 9781951399238 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c2702120 13 2023950497 00 EB E107 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 2 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 Killer Fandom Fan Studies and the Celebrity Serial Killer 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Outreach and Research Associate 40 04f2nsd36 Lancaster University Research Fellow 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 01 eng 00 256 03 09 9 11 7 12 BTC 93 JBCC1 10 SOC022000 93 DNXC3 12 JFCA 10 SOC052000 93 JBCT1 12 JFD 10 TRU002010 01 06 02 00 Killer Fandom, in the first long-form treatment, examines serial killer fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play—with close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube. 03 00 Killer Fandom is the first long-form treatment of serial killer fandom. Fan studies have mostly ignored this most moralized form of fandom, as a stigmatized Bad Other in implicit tension with the field’s successful campaign to recuperate the broader fan category. Yet serial killer fandom, as Judith May Fathallah shows in the book, can be usefully studied with many of the field’s leading analytic frameworks. After tracing the pre-digital history of fans, mediated celebrity, and killers, Fathallah examines contemporary fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play. With close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube, alongside documentaries, podcasts, and a thriving “murderabilia” industry, Killer Fandom argues that this fan culture is, in many ways, hard to distinguish from more “mainstream” fandoms. Fan creations around Aileen Wuornos, Jeffrey Dahmer, Ted Bundy, and Richard Ramirez, among others, demonstrate a complex and shifting stance toward their objects—marked by parodic humor and irony in many cases. Killer Fandom ultimately questions—given our crime-and violence-saturated media culture—whether it makes sense to set Dahmer and Wuornos “fans” apart from the rest of us. 30 00 Killer Fandom is the first long-form treatment of serial killer fandom. Fan studies have mostly ignored this most moralized form of fandom, as a stigmatized Bad Other in implicit tension with the field’s successful campaign to recuperate the broader fan category. Yet serial killer fandom, as Judith May Fathallah shows in the book, can be usefully studied with many of the field’s leading analytic frameworks. After tracing the pre-digital history of fans, mediated celebrity, and killers, Fathallah examines contemporary fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play. With close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube, alongside documentaries, podcasts, and a thriving “murderabilia” industry, Killer Fandom argues that this fan culture is, in many ways, hard to distinguish from more “mainstream” fandoms. Fan creations around Aileen Wuornos, Jeffrey Dahmer, Ted Bundy, and Richard Ramirez, among others, demonstrate a complex and shifting stance toward their objects—marked by parodic humor and irony in many cases. Killer Fandom ultimately questions—given our crime-and violence-saturated media culture—whether it makes sense to set Dahmer and Wuornos “fans” apart from the rest of us. 04 00 Contents List of Figures List of Tables Introduction 1. Fanlike Engagement before Fan Studies: Personators, Collectors, and Groupies 2. Textual Poaching to Discursive Formations: Serial Killers and Fannish Creation 3. Affect, Bonding, Boundaries: Is There Serial Killer Fan Community? 4. Killer Fandom and (Sub)Cultural Capital 5. Serial Killer Fandom as Digital Play References Acknowledgments 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.c2702120_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.e2bd7a2a 1 31 31 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c38097a8 33 56 24 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: Fanlike Engagement before Fan Studies Personators, Collectors, and Groupies 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9ca733c9 57 110 54 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: Textual Poaching to Discursive Formations Serial Killers and Fannish Creation 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.78a918aa 111 142 32 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Affect, Bonding, Boundaries Is There Serial Killer Fan Community? 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.748ed301 143 172 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Killer Fandom and (Sub)Cultural Capital 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.282d70d6 173 201 29 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: Serial Killer Fandom as Digital Play 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.84040dde 204 241 38 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4554f1b4 243 243 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Acknowledgments 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/killer-fandom 16 40 04f2nsd36 32 10.13039/100010029 Lancaster University 01 programname Pilot University OA Fund 2023-2024 - Books Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20231106 Fathallah, Judith May 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399368 03 9781951399368 06 15 9781951399245 03 9781951399245 06 15 9781951399252 03 9781951399252 WORLD 11 PROJECT_MUSE 36 PROJECT_MUSE: webpage for this product https://muse.jhu.edu/book/118113 29 PROJECT_MUSE: download the title https://muse.jhu.edu/book/118113 20 08 20231106 01 11 OAPEN 36 OAPEN: webpage for this product https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/79407 29 OAPEN: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/79407/fathallah-killer-fandom-2023.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y 20 08 20231106 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://library.bz/main/uploads/7962C746ED14F67BC39E4ECC119E0B84 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://library.bz/main/uploads/7962C746ED14F67BC39E4ECC119E0B84 20 08 20231106 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.google.com/books?id=SUvhEAAAQBAJ&newbks=0&hl=en&source=newbks_fb 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.google.com/books/download/Killer_Fandom_Fan_Studies_and_the_Celebr-pdf.acsm?id=SUvhEAAAQBAJ&format=pdf&output=acs4_fulfillment_token 20 08 20231106 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/killer-fandom 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/killer1.0/fathallah-killer-fandom-2023.pdf 20 08 20231106 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/44578f12-cab9-41e5-87d2-fb014511798d 29 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: download the title https://archive.org/download/44578f12-cab9-41e5-87d2-fb014511798d/44578f12-cab9-41e5-87d2-fb014511798d.pdf 20 08 20231106 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/killer-fandom 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.c2702120.pdf 20 08 20231106 01 urn:uuid:87d2a752-f9cb-4314-90c4-e3cb86e0daf1 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:44578f12-cab9-41e5-87d2-fb014511798d 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:87d2a752-f9cb-4314-90c4-e3cb86e0daf1 15 9781951399245 03 9781951399245 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c2702120 13 2023950497 00 EB E105 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 2 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 Killer Fandom Fan Studies and the Celebrity Serial Killer 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Outreach and Research Associate 40 04f2nsd36 Lancaster University Research Fellow 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 01 eng 00 256 03 09 9 11 7 12 BTC 93 JBCC1 10 SOC022000 93 DNXC3 12 JFCA 10 SOC052000 93 JBCT1 12 JFD 10 TRU002010 01 06 02 00 Killer Fandom, in the first long-form treatment, examines serial killer fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play—with close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube. 03 00 Killer Fandom is the first long-form treatment of serial killer fandom. Fan studies have mostly ignored this most moralized form of fandom, as a stigmatized Bad Other in implicit tension with the field’s successful campaign to recuperate the broader fan category. Yet serial killer fandom, as Judith May Fathallah shows in the book, can be usefully studied with many of the field’s leading analytic frameworks. After tracing the pre-digital history of fans, mediated celebrity, and killers, Fathallah examines contemporary fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play. With close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube, alongside documentaries, podcasts, and a thriving “murderabilia” industry, Killer Fandom argues that this fan culture is, in many ways, hard to distinguish from more “mainstream” fandoms. Fan creations around Aileen Wuornos, Jeffrey Dahmer, Ted Bundy, and Richard Ramirez, among others, demonstrate a complex and shifting stance toward their objects—marked by parodic humor and irony in many cases. Killer Fandom ultimately questions—given our crime-and violence-saturated media culture—whether it makes sense to set Dahmer and Wuornos “fans” apart from the rest of us. 30 00 Killer Fandom is the first long-form treatment of serial killer fandom. Fan studies have mostly ignored this most moralized form of fandom, as a stigmatized Bad Other in implicit tension with the field’s successful campaign to recuperate the broader fan category. Yet serial killer fandom, as Judith May Fathallah shows in the book, can be usefully studied with many of the field’s leading analytic frameworks. After tracing the pre-digital history of fans, mediated celebrity, and killers, Fathallah examines contemporary fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play. With close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube, alongside documentaries, podcasts, and a thriving “murderabilia” industry, Killer Fandom argues that this fan culture is, in many ways, hard to distinguish from more “mainstream” fandoms. Fan creations around Aileen Wuornos, Jeffrey Dahmer, Ted Bundy, and Richard Ramirez, among others, demonstrate a complex and shifting stance toward their objects—marked by parodic humor and irony in many cases. Killer Fandom ultimately questions—given our crime-and violence-saturated media culture—whether it makes sense to set Dahmer and Wuornos “fans” apart from the rest of us. 04 00 Contents List of Figures List of Tables Introduction 1. Fanlike Engagement before Fan Studies: Personators, Collectors, and Groupies 2. Textual Poaching to Discursive Formations: Serial Killers and Fannish Creation 3. Affect, Bonding, Boundaries: Is There Serial Killer Fan Community? 4. Killer Fandom and (Sub)Cultural Capital 5. Serial Killer Fandom as Digital Play References Acknowledgments 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.c2702120_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.e2bd7a2a 1 31 31 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c38097a8 33 56 24 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: Fanlike Engagement before Fan Studies Personators, Collectors, and Groupies 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9ca733c9 57 110 54 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: Textual Poaching to Discursive Formations Serial Killers and Fannish Creation 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.78a918aa 111 142 32 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Affect, Bonding, Boundaries Is There Serial Killer Fan Community? 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.748ed301 143 172 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Killer Fandom and (Sub)Cultural Capital 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.282d70d6 173 201 29 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: Serial Killer Fandom as Digital Play 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.84040dde 204 241 38 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4554f1b4 243 243 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Acknowledgments 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/killer-fandom 16 40 04f2nsd36 32 10.13039/100010029 Lancaster University 01 programname Pilot University OA Fund 2023-2024 - Books Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20231106 Fathallah, Judith May 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399368 03 9781951399368 06 15 9781951399238 03 9781951399238 06 15 9781951399252 03 9781951399252 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/killer-fandom 20 08 20231106 01 urn:uuid:6422276a-52ba-42ea-9c89-c8b565f7dd9a 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:44578f12-cab9-41e5-87d2-fb014511798d 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:6422276a-52ba-42ea-9c89-c8b565f7dd9a 15 9781951399252 03 9781951399252 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c2702120 13 2023950497 00 EB E101 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID ad8da722-7d30-4fa7-afc2-98884e841219 02 28326202 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/media-manifold-series 01 Series Call for Proposals URL https://airtable.com/shrsRYpkbJ55OjzAM 03 2 01 02 Media Manifold Series 01 01 Killer Fandom Fan Studies and the Celebrity Serial Killer 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Outreach and Research Associate 40 04f2nsd36 Lancaster University Research Fellow 40 01tgmhj36 Coventry University Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 01 eng 00 256 03 09 9 11 7 12 BTC 93 JBCC1 10 SOC022000 93 DNXC3 12 JFCA 10 SOC052000 93 JBCT1 12 JFD 10 TRU002010 01 06 02 00 Killer Fandom, in the first long-form treatment, examines serial killer fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play—with close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube. 03 00 Killer Fandom is the first long-form treatment of serial killer fandom. Fan studies have mostly ignored this most moralized form of fandom, as a stigmatized Bad Other in implicit tension with the field’s successful campaign to recuperate the broader fan category. Yet serial killer fandom, as Judith May Fathallah shows in the book, can be usefully studied with many of the field’s leading analytic frameworks. After tracing the pre-digital history of fans, mediated celebrity, and killers, Fathallah examines contemporary fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play. With close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube, alongside documentaries, podcasts, and a thriving “murderabilia” industry, Killer Fandom argues that this fan culture is, in many ways, hard to distinguish from more “mainstream” fandoms. Fan creations around Aileen Wuornos, Jeffrey Dahmer, Ted Bundy, and Richard Ramirez, among others, demonstrate a complex and shifting stance toward their objects—marked by parodic humor and irony in many cases. Killer Fandom ultimately questions—given our crime-and violence-saturated media culture—whether it makes sense to set Dahmer and Wuornos “fans” apart from the rest of us. 30 00 Killer Fandom is the first long-form treatment of serial killer fandom. Fan studies have mostly ignored this most moralized form of fandom, as a stigmatized Bad Other in implicit tension with the field’s successful campaign to recuperate the broader fan category. Yet serial killer fandom, as Judith May Fathallah shows in the book, can be usefully studied with many of the field’s leading analytic frameworks. After tracing the pre-digital history of fans, mediated celebrity, and killers, Fathallah examines contemporary fandom through the lens of textual poaching, affective community, subcultural capital, and play. With close readings of fan posts, comments, and mashups on Tumblr, TikTok, and YouTube, alongside documentaries, podcasts, and a thriving “murderabilia” industry, Killer Fandom argues that this fan culture is, in many ways, hard to distinguish from more “mainstream” fandoms. Fan creations around Aileen Wuornos, Jeffrey Dahmer, Ted Bundy, and Richard Ramirez, among others, demonstrate a complex and shifting stance toward their objects—marked by parodic humor and irony in many cases. Killer Fandom ultimately questions—given our crime-and violence-saturated media culture—whether it makes sense to set Dahmer and Wuornos “fans” apart from the rest of us. 04 00 Contents List of Figures List of Tables Introduction 1. Fanlike Engagement before Fan Studies: Personators, Collectors, and Groupies 2. Textual Poaching to Discursive Formations: Serial Killers and Fannish Creation 3. Affect, Bonding, Boundaries: Is There Serial Killer Fan Community? 4. Killer Fandom and (Sub)Cultural Capital 5. Serial Killer Fandom as Digital Play References Acknowledgments 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.c2702120_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.e2bd7a2a 1 31 31 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c38097a8 33 56 24 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: Fanlike Engagement before Fan Studies Personators, Collectors, and Groupies 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.9ca733c9 57 110 54 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: Textual Poaching to Discursive Formations Serial Killers and Fannish Creation 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.78a918aa 111 142 32 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Affect, Bonding, Boundaries Is There Serial Killer Fan Community? 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.748ed301 143 172 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Killer Fandom and (Sub)Cultural Capital 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.282d70d6 173 201 29 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: Serial Killer Fandom as Digital Play 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.84040dde 204 241 38 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 References 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4554f1b4 243 243 1 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Acknowledgments 1 A01 21 0000000302025749 Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah Judith May Fathallah is a Research and Outreach Associate at Lancaster University and a Research Fellow at Coventry University in the UK. She is author of Fanfiction and the Author: How Fanfic Changes Popular Cultural Texts (2017) and Emo: How Fans Studied a Subculture (2020). 06 Own website https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/lums/people/judith-fathallah 20 00 Open Access Fathallah, Judith May 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/killer-fandom 16 40 04f2nsd36 32 10.13039/100010029 Lancaster University 01 programname Pilot University OA Fund 2023-2024 - Books Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20231106 Fathallah, Judith May 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399368 03 9781951399368 06 15 9781951399238 03 9781951399238 06 15 9781951399245 03 9781951399245 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.apple.com/us/book/killer-fandom/id6471901895 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.apple.com/us/book/killer-fandom/id6471901895 20 08 20231106 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/killer-fandom 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/killer1.0/fathallah-killer-fandom-2023.epub https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/killer1.0/fathallah-killer-fandom-2023.epub 20 08 20231106 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=SUvhEAAAQBAJ 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=SUvhEAAAQBAJ&hl=en 20 08 20231106 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://books.google.com/books?id=SUvhEAAAQBAJ&newbks=0&hl=en&source=newbks_fb 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://books.google.com/books/download/Killer_Fandom_Fan_Studies_and_the_Celebr-epub.acsm?id=SUvhEAAAQBAJ&format=epub&output=acs4_fulfillment_token 20 08 20231106 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/killer-fandom 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/killer1.0/fathallah-killer-fandom-2023.epub 20 08 20231106 01 urn:uuid:41528a08-1528-460c-92af-344c2f855b28 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:6763ec18-b4af-4767-976c-5b808a64e641 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:41528a08-1528-460c-92af-344c2f855b28 15 9781951399023 03 9781951399023 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2e69e142 13 2020950484 23 1227264770 00 BC 10 01 229 mm 01 22.9 cm 01 9.02 in 02 177 mm 02 17.7 cm 02 6.97 in 03 3 mm 03 0.3 cm 03 0.11 in 08 142 gr 08 5 oz Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 2 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Liberty and the News 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann (1889–1974) was an American journalist and public philosopher. 2 A24 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College Sue Curry Jansen is professor emeritus of media and communication at Muhlenberg College. 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 01 eng 00 55 03 12 KNTJ 10 LAN008000 12 JPHV 10 POL007000 12 JFD 10 SOC052000 12 GTC 01 06 02 00 Published a century ago as the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book, the slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. Republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 03 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago, the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book. The slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. “In an exact, sense,” Lippmann writes, “the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in journalism.” For Lippmann, liberty constitutes a method, not a series of prohibitions and permissions. The book’s aim is to identify and examine potential reforms to boost the reliability of news—a project as relevant today as it is unfinished. Liberty and the News is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 30 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago, the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book. The slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. “In an exact, sense,” Lippmann writes, “the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in journalism.” For Lippmann, liberty constitutes a method, not a series of prohibitions and permissions. The book’s aim is to identify and examine potential reforms to boost the reliability of news—a project as relevant today as it is unfinished. Liberty and the News is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 04 00 THE TWIN CRISES OF DEMOCRACY AND JOURNALISM: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition vii Sue Curry Jansen CHAPTER 1 JOURNALISM AND THE HIGHER LAW 1 Walter Lippmann CHAPTER 2 WHAT MODERN LIBERTY MEANS 7 Walter Lippmann CHAPTER 3 LIBERTY AND THE NEWS 23 Walter Lippmann 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.2e69e142_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1adecce6 vii x 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Twin Crises of Democracy and Journalism: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 02 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long co 03 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long considered it a minor work. Yet the questions it raised about journalism and democracy became the catalyst for a period of generative thinking by the author, leading to his classic, Public Opinion (1922), and its sequel, The Phantom Public (1925). The issues this little book identified would continue to influence Lippmann’s thinking about the role of the media and the public throughout his long life. 30 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long considered it a minor work. Yet the questions it raised about journalism and democracy became the catalyst for a period of generative thinking by the author, leading to his classic, Public Opinion (1922), and its sequel, The Phantom Public (1925). The issues this little book identified would continue to influence Lippmann’s thinking about the role of the media and the public throughout his long life. 20 00 Open Access Jansen, Sue Curry 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6ab1dfab 1 6 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: Journalism and the Higher Law 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections 03 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections seem very high indeed. In his prospectus he had written: 30 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections seem very high indeed. In his prospectus he had written: 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b424f45 7 22 16 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: What Modern Liberty Means 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go t 03 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go to building and restoring are instead consumed in warding off the pin-pricks of prejudice and fighting a guerilla war against misunderstanding and intolerance. For suppression is felt, not simply by the scattered individuals who are actually suppressed. It reaches back into the steadiest minds, creating tension everywhere; and the tension of fear produces sterility. Men cease to say what they think; and when they cease to say it, they soon cease to think it. They think in reference to their critics and not in reference to the facts. For when thought becomes socially hazardous, men spend more time wondering about the hazard than they do in cultivating their thought. Yet nothing is more certain than that mere bold resistance will not permanently liberate men’s minds. The problem is not only greater than that, but different, and the time is ripe for reconsideration. We have learned that many of the hard-won rights of man are utterly insecure. It may be that we cannot make them secure simply by imitating the earlier champions of liberty. 30 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go to building and restoring are instead consumed in warding off the pin-pricks of prejudice and fighting a guerilla war against misunderstanding and intolerance. For suppression is felt, not simply by the scattered individuals who are actually suppressed. It reaches back into the steadiest minds, creating tension everywhere; and the tension of fear produces sterility. Men cease to say what they think; and when they cease to say it, they soon cease to think it. They think in reference to their critics and not in reference to the facts. For when thought becomes socially hazardous, men spend more time wondering about the hazard than they do in cultivating their thought. Yet nothing is more certain than that mere bold resistance will not permanently liberate men’s minds. The problem is not only greater than that, but different, and the time is ripe for reconsideration. We have learned that many of the hard-won rights of man are utterly insecure. It may be that we cannot make them secure simply by imitating the earlier champions of liberty. 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.75aef417 23 33 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Liberty and the News 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing w 03 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing with a subsidiary phase of the whole matter; that, so long as we were content to argue about the privileges and immunities of opinion, we were missing the point and trying to make bricks without straw. We should never succeed even in fixing a standard of tolerance for opinions, if we concentrated all our attention on the opinions. For they are derived, not necessarily by reason, to be sure, but somehow, from the stream of news that reaches the public, and the protection of that stream is the critical interest in a modern state. In going behind opinion to the information which it exploits, and in making the validity of the news our ideal, we shall be fighting the battle where it is really being fought. We shall be protecting for the public interest that which all the special interests in the world are most anxious to corrupt. 30 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing with a subsidiary phase of the whole matter; that, so long as we were content to argue about the privileges and immunities of opinion, we were missing the point and trying to make bricks without straw. We should never succeed even in fixing a standard of tolerance for opinions, if we concentrated all our attention on the opinions. For they are derived, not necessarily by reason, to be sure, but somehow, from the stream of news that reaches the public, and the protection of that stream is the critical interest in a modern state. In going behind opinion to the information which it exploits, and in making the validity of the news our ideal, we shall be fighting the battle where it is really being fought. We shall be protecting for the public interest that which all the special interests in the world are most anxious to corrupt. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20201115 Jansen, Sue Curry 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399030 03 9781951399030 06 15 9781951399030 03 9781951399030 06 15 9781951399030 03 9781951399030 06 15 9781951399030 03 9781951399030 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news 20 08 20201115 02 10.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:c8397594-56ff-46f4-8edb-01224e78d7e6 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:6763ec18-b4af-4767-976c-5b808a64e641 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:c8397594-56ff-46f4-8edb-01224e78d7e6 15 9781951399030 03 9781951399030 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2e69e142 13 2020950484 23 1227264770 00 EB E107 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 2 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Liberty and the News 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann (1889–1974) was an American journalist and public philosopher. 2 A24 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College Sue Curry Jansen is professor emeritus of media and communication at Muhlenberg College. 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 01 eng 00 55 03 12 KNTJ 10 LAN008000 12 JPHV 10 POL007000 12 JFD 10 SOC052000 12 GTC 01 06 02 00 Published a century ago as the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book, the slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. Republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 03 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago, the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book. The slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. “In an exact, sense,” Lippmann writes, “the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in journalism.” For Lippmann, liberty constitutes a method, not a series of prohibitions and permissions. The book’s aim is to identify and examine potential reforms to boost the reliability of news—a project as relevant today as it is unfinished. Liberty and the News is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 30 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago, the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book. The slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. “In an exact, sense,” Lippmann writes, “the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in journalism.” For Lippmann, liberty constitutes a method, not a series of prohibitions and permissions. The book’s aim is to identify and examine potential reforms to boost the reliability of news—a project as relevant today as it is unfinished. Liberty and the News is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 04 00 THE TWIN CRISES OF DEMOCRACY AND JOURNALISM: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition vii Sue Curry Jansen CHAPTER 1 JOURNALISM AND THE HIGHER LAW 1 Walter Lippmann CHAPTER 2 WHAT MODERN LIBERTY MEANS 7 Walter Lippmann CHAPTER 3 LIBERTY AND THE NEWS 23 Walter Lippmann 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.2e69e142_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1adecce6 vii x 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Twin Crises of Democracy and Journalism: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 02 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long co 03 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long considered it a minor work. Yet the questions it raised about journalism and democracy became the catalyst for a period of generative thinking by the author, leading to his classic, Public Opinion (1922), and its sequel, The Phantom Public (1925). The issues this little book identified would continue to influence Lippmann’s thinking about the role of the media and the public throughout his long life. 30 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long considered it a minor work. Yet the questions it raised about journalism and democracy became the catalyst for a period of generative thinking by the author, leading to his classic, Public Opinion (1922), and its sequel, The Phantom Public (1925). The issues this little book identified would continue to influence Lippmann’s thinking about the role of the media and the public throughout his long life. 20 00 Open Access Jansen, Sue Curry 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6ab1dfab 1 6 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: Journalism and the Higher Law 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections 03 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections seem very high indeed. In his prospectus he had written: 30 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections seem very high indeed. In his prospectus he had written: 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b424f45 7 22 16 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: What Modern Liberty Means 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go t 03 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go to building and restoring are instead consumed in warding off the pin-pricks of prejudice and fighting a guerilla war against misunderstanding and intolerance. For suppression is felt, not simply by the scattered individuals who are actually suppressed. It reaches back into the steadiest minds, creating tension everywhere; and the tension of fear produces sterility. Men cease to say what they think; and when they cease to say it, they soon cease to think it. They think in reference to their critics and not in reference to the facts. For when thought becomes socially hazardous, men spend more time wondering about the hazard than they do in cultivating their thought. Yet nothing is more certain than that mere bold resistance will not permanently liberate men’s minds. The problem is not only greater than that, but different, and the time is ripe for reconsideration. We have learned that many of the hard-won rights of man are utterly insecure. It may be that we cannot make them secure simply by imitating the earlier champions of liberty. 30 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go to building and restoring are instead consumed in warding off the pin-pricks of prejudice and fighting a guerilla war against misunderstanding and intolerance. For suppression is felt, not simply by the scattered individuals who are actually suppressed. It reaches back into the steadiest minds, creating tension everywhere; and the tension of fear produces sterility. Men cease to say what they think; and when they cease to say it, they soon cease to think it. They think in reference to their critics and not in reference to the facts. For when thought becomes socially hazardous, men spend more time wondering about the hazard than they do in cultivating their thought. Yet nothing is more certain than that mere bold resistance will not permanently liberate men’s minds. The problem is not only greater than that, but different, and the time is ripe for reconsideration. We have learned that many of the hard-won rights of man are utterly insecure. It may be that we cannot make them secure simply by imitating the earlier champions of liberty. 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.75aef417 23 33 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Liberty and the News 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing w 03 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing with a subsidiary phase of the whole matter; that, so long as we were content to argue about the privileges and immunities of opinion, we were missing the point and trying to make bricks without straw. We should never succeed even in fixing a standard of tolerance for opinions, if we concentrated all our attention on the opinions. For they are derived, not necessarily by reason, to be sure, but somehow, from the stream of news that reaches the public, and the protection of that stream is the critical interest in a modern state. In going behind opinion to the information which it exploits, and in making the validity of the news our ideal, we shall be fighting the battle where it is really being fought. We shall be protecting for the public interest that which all the special interests in the world are most anxious to corrupt. 30 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing with a subsidiary phase of the whole matter; that, so long as we were content to argue about the privileges and immunities of opinion, we were missing the point and trying to make bricks without straw. We should never succeed even in fixing a standard of tolerance for opinions, if we concentrated all our attention on the opinions. For they are derived, not necessarily by reason, to be sure, but somehow, from the stream of news that reaches the public, and the protection of that stream is the critical interest in a modern state. In going behind opinion to the information which it exploits, and in making the validity of the news our ideal, we shall be fighting the battle where it is really being fought. We shall be protecting for the public interest that which all the special interests in the world are most anxious to corrupt. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20201115 Jansen, Sue Curry 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399023 03 9781951399023 WORLD 11 PROJECT_MUSE 36 PROJECT_MUSE: webpage for this product https://muse.jhu.edu/book/80833 29 PROJECT_MUSE: download the title https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/351/oa_monograph/book/80833/pdf 20 08 20201115 01 11 OAPEN 36 OAPEN: webpage for this product https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/45896 29 OAPEN: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/45896/9781951399030.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y 20 08 20201115 01 11 DOAB 36 DOAB: webpage for this product https://directory.doabooks.org/handle/20.500.12854/38489 20 08 20201115 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://libgen.is/book/index.php?md5=5D98183E4556E536FD99D628C8C055AA 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://libgen.is/book/index.php?md5=5D98183E4556E536FD99D628C8C055AA 20 08 20201115 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news 20 08 20201115 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/6763ec18-b4af-4767-976c-5b808a64e641 20 08 20201115 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.2e69e142.pdf 20 08 20201115 01 urn:uuid:a3082e0d-6c54-4f1e-ab26-e842d847e635 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:6763ec18-b4af-4767-976c-5b808a64e641 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:a3082e0d-6c54-4f1e-ab26-e842d847e635 15 9781951399030 03 9781951399030 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2e69e142 13 2020950484 23 1227264770 00 EB E105 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 2 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Liberty and the News 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann (1889–1974) was an American journalist and public philosopher. 2 A24 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College Sue Curry Jansen is professor emeritus of media and communication at Muhlenberg College. 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 01 eng 00 55 03 12 KNTJ 10 LAN008000 12 JPHV 10 POL007000 12 JFD 10 SOC052000 12 GTC 01 06 02 00 Published a century ago as the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book, the slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. Republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 03 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago, the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book. The slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. “In an exact, sense,” Lippmann writes, “the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in journalism.” For Lippmann, liberty constitutes a method, not a series of prohibitions and permissions. The book’s aim is to identify and examine potential reforms to boost the reliability of news—a project as relevant today as it is unfinished. Liberty and the News is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 30 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago, the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book. The slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. “In an exact, sense,” Lippmann writes, “the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in journalism.” For Lippmann, liberty constitutes a method, not a series of prohibitions and permissions. The book’s aim is to identify and examine potential reforms to boost the reliability of news—a project as relevant today as it is unfinished. Liberty and the News is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 04 00 THE TWIN CRISES OF DEMOCRACY AND JOURNALISM: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition vii Sue Curry Jansen CHAPTER 1 JOURNALISM AND THE HIGHER LAW 1 Walter Lippmann CHAPTER 2 WHAT MODERN LIBERTY MEANS 7 Walter Lippmann CHAPTER 3 LIBERTY AND THE NEWS 23 Walter Lippmann 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.2e69e142_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1adecce6 vii x 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Twin Crises of Democracy and Journalism: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 02 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long co 03 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long considered it a minor work. Yet the questions it raised about journalism and democracy became the catalyst for a period of generative thinking by the author, leading to his classic, Public Opinion (1922), and its sequel, The Phantom Public (1925). The issues this little book identified would continue to influence Lippmann’s thinking about the role of the media and the public throughout his long life. 30 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long considered it a minor work. Yet the questions it raised about journalism and democracy became the catalyst for a period of generative thinking by the author, leading to his classic, Public Opinion (1922), and its sequel, The Phantom Public (1925). The issues this little book identified would continue to influence Lippmann’s thinking about the role of the media and the public throughout his long life. 20 00 Open Access Jansen, Sue Curry 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6ab1dfab 1 6 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: Journalism and the Higher Law 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections 03 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections seem very high indeed. In his prospectus he had written: 30 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections seem very high indeed. In his prospectus he had written: 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b424f45 7 22 16 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: What Modern Liberty Means 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go t 03 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go to building and restoring are instead consumed in warding off the pin-pricks of prejudice and fighting a guerilla war against misunderstanding and intolerance. For suppression is felt, not simply by the scattered individuals who are actually suppressed. It reaches back into the steadiest minds, creating tension everywhere; and the tension of fear produces sterility. Men cease to say what they think; and when they cease to say it, they soon cease to think it. They think in reference to their critics and not in reference to the facts. For when thought becomes socially hazardous, men spend more time wondering about the hazard than they do in cultivating their thought. Yet nothing is more certain than that mere bold resistance will not permanently liberate men’s minds. The problem is not only greater than that, but different, and the time is ripe for reconsideration. We have learned that many of the hard-won rights of man are utterly insecure. It may be that we cannot make them secure simply by imitating the earlier champions of liberty. 30 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go to building and restoring are instead consumed in warding off the pin-pricks of prejudice and fighting a guerilla war against misunderstanding and intolerance. For suppression is felt, not simply by the scattered individuals who are actually suppressed. It reaches back into the steadiest minds, creating tension everywhere; and the tension of fear produces sterility. Men cease to say what they think; and when they cease to say it, they soon cease to think it. They think in reference to their critics and not in reference to the facts. For when thought becomes socially hazardous, men spend more time wondering about the hazard than they do in cultivating their thought. Yet nothing is more certain than that mere bold resistance will not permanently liberate men’s minds. The problem is not only greater than that, but different, and the time is ripe for reconsideration. We have learned that many of the hard-won rights of man are utterly insecure. It may be that we cannot make them secure simply by imitating the earlier champions of liberty. 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.75aef417 23 33 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Liberty and the News 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing w 03 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing with a subsidiary phase of the whole matter; that, so long as we were content to argue about the privileges and immunities of opinion, we were missing the point and trying to make bricks without straw. We should never succeed even in fixing a standard of tolerance for opinions, if we concentrated all our attention on the opinions. For they are derived, not necessarily by reason, to be sure, but somehow, from the stream of news that reaches the public, and the protection of that stream is the critical interest in a modern state. In going behind opinion to the information which it exploits, and in making the validity of the news our ideal, we shall be fighting the battle where it is really being fought. We shall be protecting for the public interest that which all the special interests in the world are most anxious to corrupt. 30 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing with a subsidiary phase of the whole matter; that, so long as we were content to argue about the privileges and immunities of opinion, we were missing the point and trying to make bricks without straw. We should never succeed even in fixing a standard of tolerance for opinions, if we concentrated all our attention on the opinions. For they are derived, not necessarily by reason, to be sure, but somehow, from the stream of news that reaches the public, and the protection of that stream is the critical interest in a modern state. In going behind opinion to the information which it exploits, and in making the validity of the news our ideal, we shall be fighting the battle where it is really being fought. We shall be protecting for the public interest that which all the special interests in the world are most anxious to corrupt. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20201115 Jansen, Sue Curry 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399023 03 9781951399023 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news 20 08 20201115 01 urn:uuid:87c48404-eb27-4def-87e4-f34c3e17c842 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:6763ec18-b4af-4767-976c-5b808a64e641 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:87c48404-eb27-4def-87e4-f34c3e17c842 15 9781951399030 03 9781951399030 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2e69e142 13 2020950484 23 1227264770 00 EB E101 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 2 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Liberty and the News 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann (1889–1974) was an American journalist and public philosopher. 2 A24 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College Sue Curry Jansen is professor emeritus of media and communication at Muhlenberg College. 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 01 eng 00 55 03 12 KNTJ 10 LAN008000 12 JPHV 10 POL007000 12 JFD 10 SOC052000 12 GTC 01 06 02 00 Published a century ago as the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book, the slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. Republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 03 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago, the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book. The slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. “In an exact, sense,” Lippmann writes, “the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in journalism.” For Lippmann, liberty constitutes a method, not a series of prohibitions and permissions. The book’s aim is to identify and examine potential reforms to boost the reliability of news—a project as relevant today as it is unfinished. Liberty and the News is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 30 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago, the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book. The slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. “In an exact, sense,” Lippmann writes, “the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in journalism.” For Lippmann, liberty constitutes a method, not a series of prohibitions and permissions. The book’s aim is to identify and examine potential reforms to boost the reliability of news—a project as relevant today as it is unfinished. Liberty and the News is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 04 00 THE TWIN CRISES OF DEMOCRACY AND JOURNALISM: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition vii Sue Curry Jansen CHAPTER 1 JOURNALISM AND THE HIGHER LAW 1 Walter Lippmann CHAPTER 2 WHAT MODERN LIBERTY MEANS 7 Walter Lippmann CHAPTER 3 LIBERTY AND THE NEWS 23 Walter Lippmann 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.2e69e142_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1adecce6 vii x 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Twin Crises of Democracy and Journalism: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 02 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long co 03 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long considered it a minor work. Yet the questions it raised about journalism and democracy became the catalyst for a period of generative thinking by the author, leading to his classic, Public Opinion (1922), and its sequel, The Phantom Public (1925). The issues this little book identified would continue to influence Lippmann’s thinking about the role of the media and the public throughout his long life. 30 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long considered it a minor work. Yet the questions it raised about journalism and democracy became the catalyst for a period of generative thinking by the author, leading to his classic, Public Opinion (1922), and its sequel, The Phantom Public (1925). The issues this little book identified would continue to influence Lippmann’s thinking about the role of the media and the public throughout his long life. 20 00 Open Access Jansen, Sue Curry 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6ab1dfab 1 6 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: Journalism and the Higher Law 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections 03 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections seem very high indeed. In his prospectus he had written: 30 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections seem very high indeed. In his prospectus he had written: 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b424f45 7 22 16 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: What Modern Liberty Means 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go t 03 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go to building and restoring are instead consumed in warding off the pin-pricks of prejudice and fighting a guerilla war against misunderstanding and intolerance. For suppression is felt, not simply by the scattered individuals who are actually suppressed. It reaches back into the steadiest minds, creating tension everywhere; and the tension of fear produces sterility. Men cease to say what they think; and when they cease to say it, they soon cease to think it. They think in reference to their critics and not in reference to the facts. For when thought becomes socially hazardous, men spend more time wondering about the hazard than they do in cultivating their thought. Yet nothing is more certain than that mere bold resistance will not permanently liberate men’s minds. The problem is not only greater than that, but different, and the time is ripe for reconsideration. We have learned that many of the hard-won rights of man are utterly insecure. It may be that we cannot make them secure simply by imitating the earlier champions of liberty. 30 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go to building and restoring are instead consumed in warding off the pin-pricks of prejudice and fighting a guerilla war against misunderstanding and intolerance. For suppression is felt, not simply by the scattered individuals who are actually suppressed. It reaches back into the steadiest minds, creating tension everywhere; and the tension of fear produces sterility. Men cease to say what they think; and when they cease to say it, they soon cease to think it. They think in reference to their critics and not in reference to the facts. For when thought becomes socially hazardous, men spend more time wondering about the hazard than they do in cultivating their thought. Yet nothing is more certain than that mere bold resistance will not permanently liberate men’s minds. The problem is not only greater than that, but different, and the time is ripe for reconsideration. We have learned that many of the hard-won rights of man are utterly insecure. It may be that we cannot make them secure simply by imitating the earlier champions of liberty. 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.75aef417 23 33 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Liberty and the News 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing w 03 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing with a subsidiary phase of the whole matter; that, so long as we were content to argue about the privileges and immunities of opinion, we were missing the point and trying to make bricks without straw. We should never succeed even in fixing a standard of tolerance for opinions, if we concentrated all our attention on the opinions. For they are derived, not necessarily by reason, to be sure, but somehow, from the stream of news that reaches the public, and the protection of that stream is the critical interest in a modern state. In going behind opinion to the information which it exploits, and in making the validity of the news our ideal, we shall be fighting the battle where it is really being fought. We shall be protecting for the public interest that which all the special interests in the world are most anxious to corrupt. 30 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing with a subsidiary phase of the whole matter; that, so long as we were content to argue about the privileges and immunities of opinion, we were missing the point and trying to make bricks without straw. We should never succeed even in fixing a standard of tolerance for opinions, if we concentrated all our attention on the opinions. For they are derived, not necessarily by reason, to be sure, but somehow, from the stream of news that reaches the public, and the protection of that stream is the critical interest in a modern state. In going behind opinion to the information which it exploits, and in making the validity of the news our ideal, we shall be fighting the battle where it is really being fought. We shall be protecting for the public interest that which all the special interests in the world are most anxious to corrupt. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20201115 Jansen, Sue Curry 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399023 03 9781951399023 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news 20 08 20201115 01 urn:uuid:080ff7f6-cb90-4755-b87a-088bf83ce4dd 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:6763ec18-b4af-4767-976c-5b808a64e641 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:080ff7f6-cb90-4755-b87a-088bf83ce4dd 15 9781951399030 03 9781951399030 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.2e69e142 13 2020950484 23 1227264770 00 EB E127 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 2 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Liberty and the News 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann (1889–1974) was an American journalist and public philosopher. 2 A24 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College Sue Curry Jansen is professor emeritus of media and communication at Muhlenberg College. 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 01 eng 00 55 03 12 KNTJ 10 LAN008000 12 JPHV 10 POL007000 12 JFD 10 SOC052000 12 GTC 01 06 02 00 Published a century ago as the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book, the slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. Republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 03 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago, the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book. The slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. “In an exact, sense,” Lippmann writes, “the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in journalism.” For Lippmann, liberty constitutes a method, not a series of prohibitions and permissions. The book’s aim is to identify and examine potential reforms to boost the reliability of news—a project as relevant today as it is unfinished. Liberty and the News is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 30 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago, the young Walter Lippmann’s fifth book. The slim volume merits a fresh read in our post-truth moment. “In an exact, sense,” Lippmann writes, “the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis in journalism.” For Lippmann, liberty constitutes a method, not a series of prohibitions and permissions. The book’s aim is to identify and examine potential reforms to boost the reliability of news—a project as relevant today as it is unfinished. Liberty and the News is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Sue Curry Jansen. 04 00 THE TWIN CRISES OF DEMOCRACY AND JOURNALISM: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition vii Sue Curry Jansen CHAPTER 1 JOURNALISM AND THE HIGHER LAW 1 Walter Lippmann CHAPTER 2 WHAT MODERN LIBERTY MEANS 7 Walter Lippmann CHAPTER 3 LIBERTY AND THE NEWS 23 Walter Lippmann 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.2e69e142_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1adecce6 vii x 4 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Twin Crises of Democracy and Journalism: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 Sue Curry Jansen Sue Curry Jansen Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://suecurryjansen.com/ 02 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long co 03 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long considered it a minor work. Yet the questions it raised about journalism and democracy became the catalyst for a period of generative thinking by the author, leading to his classic, Public Opinion (1922), and its sequel, The Phantom Public (1925). The issues this little book identified would continue to influence Lippmann’s thinking about the role of the media and the public throughout his long life. 30 00 Liberty and the News was published a century ago this year. A small book—consisting of two essays previously published in the Atlantic Monthly, joined together by a short introductory chapter—it seemed an unpretentious offering by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974). It was young Lippmann’s fifth book, and, as a compilation, commentators have long considered it a minor work. Yet the questions it raised about journalism and democracy became the catalyst for a period of generative thinking by the author, leading to his classic, Public Opinion (1922), and its sequel, The Phantom Public (1925). The issues this little book identified would continue to influence Lippmann’s thinking about the role of the media and the public throughout his long life. 20 00 Open Access Jansen, Sue Curry 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6ab1dfab 1 6 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: Journalism and the Higher Law 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections 03 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections seem very high indeed. In his prospectus he had written: 30 00 VOLUME 1, Number 1, of the first American newspaper was published in Boston on September 25, 1690. It was called Publick Occurrences. The second issue did not appear because the Governor and Council suppressed it. They found that Benjamin Harris, the editor, had printed “reflections of a very high nature.” Even to-day some of his reflections seem very high indeed. In his prospectus he had written: 20 00 Open Access 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4b424f45 7 22 16 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: What Modern Liberty Means 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go t 03 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go to building and restoring are instead consumed in warding off the pin-pricks of prejudice and fighting a guerilla war against misunderstanding and intolerance. For suppression is felt, not simply by the scattered individuals who are actually suppressed. It reaches back into the steadiest minds, creating tension everywhere; and the tension of fear produces sterility. Men cease to say what they think; and when they cease to say it, they soon cease to think it. They think in reference to their critics and not in reference to the facts. For when thought becomes socially hazardous, men spend more time wondering about the hazard than they do in cultivating their thought. Yet nothing is more certain than that mere bold resistance will not permanently liberate men’s minds. The problem is not only greater than that, but different, and the time is ripe for reconsideration. We have learned that many of the hard-won rights of man are utterly insecure. It may be that we cannot make them secure simply by imitating the earlier champions of liberty. 30 00 FROM our recent experience it is clear that the traditional liberties of speech and opinion rest on no solid foundation. At a time when the world needs above all other things the activity of generous imaginations and the creative leadership of planning and inventive minds, our thinking is shriveled with panic. Time and energy that should go to building and restoring are instead consumed in warding off the pin-pricks of prejudice and fighting a guerilla war against misunderstanding and intolerance. For suppression is felt, not simply by the scattered individuals who are actually suppressed. It reaches back into the steadiest minds, creating tension everywhere; and the tension of fear produces sterility. Men cease to say what they think; and when they cease to say it, they soon cease to think it. They think in reference to their critics and not in reference to the facts. For when thought becomes socially hazardous, men spend more time wondering about the hazard than they do in cultivating their thought. Yet nothing is more certain than that mere bold resistance will not permanently liberate men’s minds. The problem is not only greater than that, but different, and the time is ripe for reconsideration. We have learned that many of the hard-won rights of man are utterly insecure. It may be that we cannot make them secure simply by imitating the earlier champions of liberty. 20 00 Open Access 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.75aef417 23 33 11 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: Liberty and the News 1 A01 Walter Lippmann Walter Lippmann 02 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing w 03 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing with a subsidiary phase of the whole matter; that, so long as we were content to argue about the privileges and immunities of opinion, we were missing the point and trying to make bricks without straw. We should never succeed even in fixing a standard of tolerance for opinions, if we concentrated all our attention on the opinions. For they are derived, not necessarily by reason, to be sure, but somehow, from the stream of news that reaches the public, and the protection of that stream is the critical interest in a modern state. In going behind opinion to the information which it exploits, and in making the validity of the news our ideal, we shall be fighting the battle where it is really being fought. We shall be protecting for the public interest that which all the special interests in the world are most anxious to corrupt. 30 00 THE debates about liberty have hitherto all been attempts to determine just when in the series from Right to Left the censorship should intervene. In the preceding paper I ventured to ask whether these attempts do not turn on a misconception of the problem. The conclusion reached was that, in dealing with liberty of opinion, we were dealing with a subsidiary phase of the whole matter; that, so long as we were content to argue about the privileges and immunities of opinion, we were missing the point and trying to make bricks without straw. We should never succeed even in fixing a standard of tolerance for opinions, if we concentrated all our attention on the opinions. For they are derived, not necessarily by reason, to be sure, but somehow, from the stream of news that reaches the public, and the protection of that stream is the critical interest in a modern state. In going behind opinion to the information which it exploits, and in making the validity of the news our ideal, we shall be fighting the battle where it is really being fought. We shall be protecting for the public interest that which all the special interests in the world are most anxious to corrupt. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20201115 Jansen, Sue Curry 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399023 03 9781951399023 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/liberty-and-the-news 20 08 20201115 01 urn:uuid:84a294b2-2b64-4971-8855-7f989c80db54 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:f59b5d59-c70a-4843-bb5b-a4a8676ed407 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:84a294b2-2b64-4971-8855-7f989c80db54 15 9781951399382 03 9781951399382 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.dwb73w6d 13 2025939788 00 BC 10 01 229 mm 01 22.9 cm 01 9 in 02 152 mm 02 15.2 cm 02 6 in Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 2 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 Mapping Goffman’s Invisible College 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 01 eng 00 479 03 09 3 11 20 93 JMHC 10 SOC076000 93 CFB 10 SOC026000 93 PDX 10 SOC002010 01 06 02 00 Mapping Goffman’s Invisible College offers new insight into how academic communities take shape and how ideas move through informal networks. 03 00 Erving Goffman is often remembered as a solitary thinker—famously private, and never a co-author. This book offers a counterpoint by tracing Goffman’s connections to a network of colleagues at the University of Pennsylvania between 1968 and 1982, including Dell Hymes, William Labov, John Szwed, Ray Birdwhistell, and Sol Worth. It follows five major collaborations that emerged in that setting, along with others that never quite came together. The analysis also considers Goffman’s earlier work at institutions including the University of Chicago, the National Institute of Mental Health, the University of California, Berkeley, and Harvard University, alongside related initiatives at Indiana University and the University of Texas.Beyond documenting Goffman’s intellectual network, the book uses his connections as a case study to examine interdisciplinarity, invisible colleges, and disciplinary history. By examining both the productive and faltering collaborations in Goffman’s orbit, the book sheds light on the complex, often unpredictable pathways through which academic ideas take shape. This work will appeal to scholars across disciplines seeking to understand the collaborative foundations of academic life. 30 00 Erving Goffman is often remembered as a solitary thinker—famously private, and never a co-author. This book offers a counterpoint by tracing Goffman’s connections to a network of colleagues at the University of Pennsylvania between 1968 and 1982, including Dell Hymes, William Labov, John Szwed, Ray Birdwhistell, and Sol Worth. It follows five major collaborations that emerged in that setting, along with others that never quite came together. The analysis also considers Goffman’s earlier work at institutions including the University of Chicago, the National Institute of Mental Health, the University of California, Berkeley, and Harvard University, alongside related initiatives at Indiana University and the University of Texas.Beyond documenting Goffman’s intellectual network, the book uses his connections as a case study to examine interdisciplinarity, invisible colleges, and disciplinary history. By examining both the productive and faltering collaborations in Goffman’s orbit, the book sheds light on the complex, often unpredictable pathways through which academic ideas take shape. This work will appeal to scholars across disciplines seeking to understand the collaborative foundations of academic life. 04 00 Acknowledgments xi Abbreviations xiii List of Tables and Figures xvii Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Before Penn 15 Chapter Three: People at Penn 50 Chapter Four: Major Projects at Penn 125 Chapter Five: Minor Projects at Penn 190 Chapter Six: Penn Adjacent 231 Chapter Seven: Beyond Penn 323 Chapter Eight: Conclusion 333 Appendix: Peripheral Colleagues at Penn 366 References 396 Index 438 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.dwb73w6d_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.42224e38 1 14 14 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter One: Introduction 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.db9fbd9a 15 49 35 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Two: Before Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ea0d3afc 50 124 75 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Three: People at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.f0f55cec 125 189 65 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Four: Major Projects at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.34ef9a66 190 230 41 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Five: Minor Projects at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.9216d267 231 322 92 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Six: Penn Adjacent 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.216317ed 323 332 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Seven: Beyond Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.2218124b 333 365 33 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Eight: Conclusion 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 9 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.980baf88 366 395 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Appendix: Peripheral Colleagues at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/mapping-goffman Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20250815 Leeds-Hurwitz, Wendy 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399344 03 9781951399344 06 15 9781951399351 03 9781951399351 06 15 9781951399375 03 9781951399375 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399382 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.amazon.com/dp/1951399382 20 08 20250815 02 25.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:42f111da-51cb-438a-bd38-466c45ff088f 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:f59b5d59-c70a-4843-bb5b-a4a8676ed407 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:42f111da-51cb-438a-bd38-466c45ff088f 15 9781951399344 03 9781951399344 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.dwb73w6d 13 2025939788 00 EB E107 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 2 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 Mapping Goffman’s Invisible College 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 01 eng 00 479 03 09 3 11 20 93 JMHC 10 SOC076000 93 CFB 10 SOC026000 93 PDX 10 SOC002010 01 06 02 00 Mapping Goffman’s Invisible College offers new insight into how academic communities take shape and how ideas move through informal networks. 03 00 Erving Goffman is often remembered as a solitary thinker—famously private, and never a co-author. This book offers a counterpoint by tracing Goffman’s connections to a network of colleagues at the University of Pennsylvania between 1968 and 1982, including Dell Hymes, William Labov, John Szwed, Ray Birdwhistell, and Sol Worth. It follows five major collaborations that emerged in that setting, along with others that never quite came together. The analysis also considers Goffman’s earlier work at institutions including the University of Chicago, the National Institute of Mental Health, the University of California, Berkeley, and Harvard University, alongside related initiatives at Indiana University and the University of Texas.Beyond documenting Goffman’s intellectual network, the book uses his connections as a case study to examine interdisciplinarity, invisible colleges, and disciplinary history. By examining both the productive and faltering collaborations in Goffman’s orbit, the book sheds light on the complex, often unpredictable pathways through which academic ideas take shape. This work will appeal to scholars across disciplines seeking to understand the collaborative foundations of academic life. 30 00 Erving Goffman is often remembered as a solitary thinker—famously private, and never a co-author. This book offers a counterpoint by tracing Goffman’s connections to a network of colleagues at the University of Pennsylvania between 1968 and 1982, including Dell Hymes, William Labov, John Szwed, Ray Birdwhistell, and Sol Worth. It follows five major collaborations that emerged in that setting, along with others that never quite came together. The analysis also considers Goffman’s earlier work at institutions including the University of Chicago, the National Institute of Mental Health, the University of California, Berkeley, and Harvard University, alongside related initiatives at Indiana University and the University of Texas.Beyond documenting Goffman’s intellectual network, the book uses his connections as a case study to examine interdisciplinarity, invisible colleges, and disciplinary history. By examining both the productive and faltering collaborations in Goffman’s orbit, the book sheds light on the complex, often unpredictable pathways through which academic ideas take shape. This work will appeal to scholars across disciplines seeking to understand the collaborative foundations of academic life. 04 00 Acknowledgments xi Abbreviations xiii List of Tables and Figures xvii Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Before Penn 15 Chapter Three: People at Penn 50 Chapter Four: Major Projects at Penn 125 Chapter Five: Minor Projects at Penn 190 Chapter Six: Penn Adjacent 231 Chapter Seven: Beyond Penn 323 Chapter Eight: Conclusion 333 Appendix: Peripheral Colleagues at Penn 366 References 396 Index 438 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.dwb73w6d_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.42224e38 1 14 14 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter One: Introduction 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.db9fbd9a 15 49 35 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Two: Before Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ea0d3afc 50 124 75 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Three: People at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.f0f55cec 125 189 65 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Four: Major Projects at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.34ef9a66 190 230 41 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Five: Minor Projects at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.9216d267 231 322 92 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Six: Penn Adjacent 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.216317ed 323 332 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Seven: Beyond Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.2218124b 333 365 33 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Eight: Conclusion 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 9 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.980baf88 366 395 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Appendix: Peripheral Colleagues at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/mapping-goffman Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20250815 Leeds-Hurwitz, Wendy 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399382 03 9781951399382 06 15 9781951399351 03 9781951399351 06 15 9781951399375 03 9781951399375 WORLD 11 PROJECT_MUSE 36 PROJECT_MUSE: webpage for this product https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/351/oa_monograph/book/140647 29 PROJECT_MUSE: download the title https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/351/oa_monograph/book/140647/pdf 20 08 20250815 01 11 OAPEN 36 OAPEN: webpage for this product https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/106320 29 OAPEN: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/106320/9781951399344.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y 20 08 20250815 01 11 DOAB 36 DOAB: webpage for this product https://admin.directory.doabooks.org/handle/20.500.12854/167046 20 08 20250815 01 11 EBSCO_HOST 36 EBSCO_HOST: webpage for this product https://research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=4c096417-fdf0-3cb1-ae97-42864b90db35 20 08 20250815 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://libgen.li/edition.php?id=208322528 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://libgen.li/edition.php?id=208322528 20 08 20250815 01 11 GOOGLE_BOOKS 36 GOOGLE_BOOKS: webpage for this product https://play.google.com/store/books/details?id=pNqeEQAAQBAJ 29 GOOGLE_BOOKS: download the title https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=pNqeEQAAQBAJ&pg=GBS.PR18&hl=en 20 08 20250815 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/f59b5d59-c70a-4843-bb5b-a4a8676ed407 29 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: download the title https://archive.org/download/f59b5d59-c70a-4843-bb5b-a4a8676ed407/f59b5d59-c70a-4843-bb5b-a4a8676ed407.pdf 20 08 20250815 01 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/mapping-goffman 29 Publisher's website: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/mapping1.0/leeds-hurwitz-mapping-goffmans-invisible-college-2025.pdf 20 08 20250815 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/mapping-goffman 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.dwb73w6d.pdf 20 08 20250815 01 urn:uuid:3b971e0e-8782-4616-a611-ceb93959feae 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:f59b5d59-c70a-4843-bb5b-a4a8676ed407 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:3b971e0e-8782-4616-a611-ceb93959feae 15 9781951399351 03 9781951399351 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.dwb73w6d 13 2025939788 00 EB E105 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 2 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 Mapping Goffman’s Invisible College 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 01 eng 00 479 03 09 3 11 20 93 JMHC 10 SOC076000 93 CFB 10 SOC026000 93 PDX 10 SOC002010 01 06 02 00 Mapping Goffman’s Invisible College offers new insight into how academic communities take shape and how ideas move through informal networks. 03 00 Erving Goffman is often remembered as a solitary thinker—famously private, and never a co-author. This book offers a counterpoint by tracing Goffman’s connections to a network of colleagues at the University of Pennsylvania between 1968 and 1982, including Dell Hymes, William Labov, John Szwed, Ray Birdwhistell, and Sol Worth. It follows five major collaborations that emerged in that setting, along with others that never quite came together. The analysis also considers Goffman’s earlier work at institutions including the University of Chicago, the National Institute of Mental Health, the University of California, Berkeley, and Harvard University, alongside related initiatives at Indiana University and the University of Texas.Beyond documenting Goffman’s intellectual network, the book uses his connections as a case study to examine interdisciplinarity, invisible colleges, and disciplinary history. By examining both the productive and faltering collaborations in Goffman’s orbit, the book sheds light on the complex, often unpredictable pathways through which academic ideas take shape. This work will appeal to scholars across disciplines seeking to understand the collaborative foundations of academic life. 30 00 Erving Goffman is often remembered as a solitary thinker—famously private, and never a co-author. This book offers a counterpoint by tracing Goffman’s connections to a network of colleagues at the University of Pennsylvania between 1968 and 1982, including Dell Hymes, William Labov, John Szwed, Ray Birdwhistell, and Sol Worth. It follows five major collaborations that emerged in that setting, along with others that never quite came together. The analysis also considers Goffman’s earlier work at institutions including the University of Chicago, the National Institute of Mental Health, the University of California, Berkeley, and Harvard University, alongside related initiatives at Indiana University and the University of Texas.Beyond documenting Goffman’s intellectual network, the book uses his connections as a case study to examine interdisciplinarity, invisible colleges, and disciplinary history. By examining both the productive and faltering collaborations in Goffman’s orbit, the book sheds light on the complex, often unpredictable pathways through which academic ideas take shape. This work will appeal to scholars across disciplines seeking to understand the collaborative foundations of academic life. 04 00 Acknowledgments xi Abbreviations xiii List of Tables and Figures xvii Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Before Penn 15 Chapter Three: People at Penn 50 Chapter Four: Major Projects at Penn 125 Chapter Five: Minor Projects at Penn 190 Chapter Six: Penn Adjacent 231 Chapter Seven: Beyond Penn 323 Chapter Eight: Conclusion 333 Appendix: Peripheral Colleagues at Penn 366 References 396 Index 438 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.dwb73w6d_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.42224e38 1 14 14 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter One: Introduction 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.db9fbd9a 15 49 35 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Two: Before Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ea0d3afc 50 124 75 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Three: People at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.f0f55cec 125 189 65 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Four: Major Projects at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.34ef9a66 190 230 41 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Five: Minor Projects at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.9216d267 231 322 92 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Six: Penn Adjacent 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.216317ed 323 332 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Seven: Beyond Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.2218124b 333 365 33 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Eight: Conclusion 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 9 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.980baf88 366 395 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Appendix: Peripheral Colleagues at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/mapping-goffman Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20250815 Leeds-Hurwitz, Wendy 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399382 03 9781951399382 06 15 9781951399344 03 9781951399344 06 15 9781951399375 03 9781951399375 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/mapping-goffman 29 Publisher's website: download the title https://www.mediastudies.press/mapping-goffman 20 08 20250815 01 urn:uuid:f5d5dbdb-7376-4001-ab20-229f0da60867 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:f59b5d59-c70a-4843-bb5b-a4a8676ed407 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:f5d5dbdb-7376-4001-ab20-229f0da60867 15 9781951399375 03 9781951399375 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.dwb73w6d 13 2025939788 00 EB E101 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID 4e66585f-b245-4976-b64b-70580de78e42 02 30698847 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/goffman-in-the-open-series 03 2 01 02 Goffman in the Open Series 01 01 Mapping Goffman’s Invisible College 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 01 eng 00 479 03 09 3 11 20 93 JMHC 10 SOC076000 93 CFB 10 SOC026000 93 PDX 10 SOC002010 01 06 02 00 Mapping Goffman’s Invisible College offers new insight into how academic communities take shape and how ideas move through informal networks. 03 00 Erving Goffman is often remembered as a solitary thinker—famously private, and never a co-author. This book offers a counterpoint by tracing Goffman’s connections to a network of colleagues at the University of Pennsylvania between 1968 and 1982, including Dell Hymes, William Labov, John Szwed, Ray Birdwhistell, and Sol Worth. It follows five major collaborations that emerged in that setting, along with others that never quite came together. The analysis also considers Goffman’s earlier work at institutions including the University of Chicago, the National Institute of Mental Health, the University of California, Berkeley, and Harvard University, alongside related initiatives at Indiana University and the University of Texas.Beyond documenting Goffman’s intellectual network, the book uses his connections as a case study to examine interdisciplinarity, invisible colleges, and disciplinary history. By examining both the productive and faltering collaborations in Goffman’s orbit, the book sheds light on the complex, often unpredictable pathways through which academic ideas take shape. This work will appeal to scholars across disciplines seeking to understand the collaborative foundations of academic life. 30 00 Erving Goffman is often remembered as a solitary thinker—famously private, and never a co-author. This book offers a counterpoint by tracing Goffman’s connections to a network of colleagues at the University of Pennsylvania between 1968 and 1982, including Dell Hymes, William Labov, John Szwed, Ray Birdwhistell, and Sol Worth. It follows five major collaborations that emerged in that setting, along with others that never quite came together. The analysis also considers Goffman’s earlier work at institutions including the University of Chicago, the National Institute of Mental Health, the University of California, Berkeley, and Harvard University, alongside related initiatives at Indiana University and the University of Texas.Beyond documenting Goffman’s intellectual network, the book uses his connections as a case study to examine interdisciplinarity, invisible colleges, and disciplinary history. By examining both the productive and faltering collaborations in Goffman’s orbit, the book sheds light on the complex, often unpredictable pathways through which academic ideas take shape. This work will appeal to scholars across disciplines seeking to understand the collaborative foundations of academic life. 04 00 Acknowledgments xi Abbreviations xiii List of Tables and Figures xvii Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Before Penn 15 Chapter Three: People at Penn 50 Chapter Four: Major Projects at Penn 125 Chapter Five: Minor Projects at Penn 190 Chapter Six: Penn Adjacent 231 Chapter Seven: Beyond Penn 323 Chapter Eight: Conclusion 333 Appendix: Peripheral Colleagues at Penn 366 References 396 Index 438 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.dwb73w6d_frontcover.jpg 1 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.42224e38 1 14 14 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter One: Introduction 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 2 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.db9fbd9a 15 49 35 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Two: Before Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 3 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.ea0d3afc 50 124 75 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Three: People at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 4 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.f0f55cec 125 189 65 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Four: Major Projects at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 5 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.34ef9a66 190 230 41 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Five: Minor Projects at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 6 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.9216d267 231 322 92 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Six: Penn Adjacent 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 7 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.216317ed 323 332 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Seven: Beyond Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 8 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.2218124b 333 365 33 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter Eight: Conclusion 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 9 03 06 10.64629/3f8575cb.980baf88 366 395 30 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Appendix: Peripheral Colleagues at Penn 1 A01 21 0000000277732010 Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 40 05s9f4d27 University of Wisconsin–Parkside Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz is Director of the Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Professor Emerita of Communication at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside. Her previous books include Erving Goffman: A Critical Introduction to Media and Communication Theory (2011) and Rolling in Ditches with Shamans: Jaime de Angulo and the Professionalization of American Anthropology (2004). 20 00 Open Access Wendy Leeds-Hurwitz 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/mapping-goffman Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20250815 Leeds-Hurwitz, Wendy 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399382 03 9781951399382 06 15 9781951399344 03 9781951399344 06 15 9781951399351 03 9781951399351 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6751784816 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title http://books.apple.com/us/book/id6751784816 20 08 20250815 01 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/mapping-goffman 29 Publisher's website: download the title https://github.com/mediastudiespress/singles/releases/download/mapping1.0/leeds-hurwitz-mapping-goffmans-invisible-college-2025.epub 20 08 20250815 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/mapping-goffman 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.64629/3f8575cb.dwb73w6d.pdf 20 08 20250815 01 urn:uuid:4a09e796-40e4-464f-8ff4-3df86745e7e9 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:1f4762fd-0b83-4fd5-b5dd-7290d347f171 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:4a09e796-40e4-464f-8ff4-3df86745e7e9 15 9781951399542 03 9781951399542 13 2025944820 00 BC 10 01 229 mm 01 22.9 cm 01 9 in 02 152 mm 02 15.2 cm 02 6 in 03 25 mm 03 2.5 cm 03 1 in 08 397 gr 08 14 oz 01 01 Mobile Personalization The History and Theory of Mobile Streaming Media 1 A01 Justin Grandinetti Justin Grandinetti 2 A01 Charles Ecenbarger Charles Ecenbarger 93 JBCT1 10 SOC052000 93 JBCT2 10 SOC022000 93 ATN 10 SOC076000 01 06 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 01 20260615 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399511 03 9781951399511 06 15 9781951399528 03 9781951399528 06 15 9781951399535 03 9781951399535 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 10 08 20260615 01 urn:uuid:aa501f1e-7733-4225-b0f3-f446109d8675 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:1f4762fd-0b83-4fd5-b5dd-7290d347f171 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:aa501f1e-7733-4225-b0f3-f446109d8675 15 9781951399511 03 9781951399511 13 2025944820 00 EB E107 10 01 01 Mobile Personalization The History and Theory of Mobile Streaming Media 1 A01 Justin Grandinetti Justin Grandinetti 2 A01 Charles Ecenbarger Charles Ecenbarger 93 JBCT1 10 SOC052000 93 JBCT2 10 SOC022000 93 ATN 10 SOC076000 01 06 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 01 20260615 02 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9781951399009 03 9781951399009 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.dbba9917 13 2020941776 23 1227264741 00 BC 10 01 229 mm 01 22.9 cm 01 9.02 in 02 177 mm 02 17.7 cm 02 6.97 in 03 18 mm 03 1.8 cm 03 0.72 in 08 624 gr 08 22 oz Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 1 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Our Master’s Voice Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty James Rorty (1890–1973) was an American poet, journalist, and sometime advertising copywriter. 2 A24 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College Jefferson Pooley is professor of media and communication at Muhlenberg College in Allentown, PA. 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 01 eng 00 318 03 11 10 12 JFDV 10 SOC052000 12 GTC 10 LAN004000 10 BUS002000 12 KJSA 01 06 02 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. A neglected masterpiece, the book is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 03 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, <italic>Our Master’s Voice</italic> presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. The book set off tremors when it was published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But Rorty and his spirited takedown of publicity were all but forgotten a decade later. The book is a neglected masterpiece, republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 30 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, <italic>Our Master’s Voice</italic> presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. The book set off tremors when it was published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But Rorty and his spirited takedown of publicity were all but forgotten a decade later. The book is a neglected masterpiece, republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 04 00 FOREWORD ix James Rorty PREFACE to the mediastudies.press edition xi Jefferson Pooley JAMES RORTY’S VOICE: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition xiv Jefferson Pooley PREFACE: I Was an Ad-man Once 3 James Rorty CHAPTER 1 THE BUSINESS NOBODY KNOWS 11 James Rorty CHAPTER 2 THE APPARATUS OF ADVERTISING James Rorty CHAPTER 3 HOW IT WORKS 27 James Rorty CHAPTER 4 PRIMROSE CHEESE: An Advertising Accouchement 35 James Rorty CHAPTER 5 AS ADVERTISED: The Product of Advertising 50 James Rorty CHAPTER 6 THE MAGAZINES 56 James Rorty CHAPTER 7 THE NATURAL HISTORY OF ADVERTISING 100 James Rorty CHAPTER 8 THE THREE GRACES: Advertising, Propaganda, Education 108 James Rorty CHAPTER 9 TRUTH IN ADVERTISING 129 James Rorty CHAPTER 10 CHAIN MUSIC: The Truth About the Shavers James Rorty CHAPTER 11 BEAUTY AND THE AD-MAN 148 James Rorty CHAPTER 12 SACRED AND PROFANE LOVE 162 James Rorty CHAPTER 13 SCIENCE SAYS: Come up and see me some time James Rorty CHAPTER 14 WHOSE SOCIAL SCIENTIST ARE YOU? James Rorty CHAPTER 15 PSYCHOLOGY ASKS: How am I doing? 178 James Rorty CHAPTER 16 THE MOVIES 186 James Rorty CHAPTER 17 RULE BY RADIO 195 James Rorty CHAPTER 18 RELIGION AND THE AD-MAN 205 James Rorty 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.21428/3f8575cb.dbba9917_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.6124a94d ix x 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Foreword 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and 03 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and direct-by-mail companies, plus the services of supply: printing, lithography, engraving, etc. which are largely dependent upon the advertising business for their existence. The advertising technique is taken to mean the technique of manufacturing customers by producing systematized illusions of value or desirability in the minds of the particular public at which the technique is directed. 30 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and direct-by-mail companies, plus the services of supply: printing, lithography, engraving, etc. which are largely dependent upon the advertising business for their existence. The advertising technique is taken to mean the technique of manufacturing customers by producing systematized illusions of value or desirability in the minds of the particular public at which the technique is directed. 20 00 Open Access 2 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.f952be5b xi xiii 3 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communica 03 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communication” in the early postwar decades makes almost no mention of the book. Popular treatments of advertising—like Vance Packard’s 1957 best seller The Hidden Persuaders—neglect the book too. And when Our Master’s Voice does surface today, there’s usually a filial explanation: The book tends to appear in biographical sketches of Rorty’s far more famous son, Richard. 30 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communication” in the early postwar decades makes almost no mention of the book. Popular treatments of advertising—like Vance Packard’s 1957 best seller The Hidden Persuaders—neglect the book too. And when Our Master’s Voice does surface today, there’s usually a filial explanation: The book tends to appear in biographical sketches of Rorty’s far more famous son, Richard. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.76247d1f xiv xxxi Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 James Rorty’s Voice: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our 03 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our Master’s Voice, among the most penetrating critiques of advertising ever published, offers an insider’s account: “I was an ad-man once,” Rorty confesses.The book is Rorty’s coming-to-terms with an institution he knew. But it neither chronicles his career nor gives an accounting of his impressions. Rather, it has a different, and surprising, character: Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, Our Master’s Voice presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. 30 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our Master’s Voice, among the most penetrating critiques of advertising ever published, offers an insider’s account: “I was an ad-man once,” Rorty confesses.The book is Rorty’s coming-to-terms with an institution he knew. But it neither chronicles his career nor gives an accounting of his impressions. Rather, it has a different, and surprising, character: Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, Our Master’s Voice presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 4 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.7a8e6b5f 3 10 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface: I Was an Ad-man Once 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upst 03 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upstate; also on a Munsey-owned Boston paper. It was the last count that did for him. He couldn’t laugh that off anywhere, and funds were getting low.Finally, a relative got the young man a job as a copy writer in an advertising agency, housed near the Battery in an ancient loft building which has since been torn down. Perhaps it is time to drop the third person. The young man was myself. I remember him well, although at this distance both the person and his actions seem a little unreal. 30 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upstate; also on a Munsey-owned Boston paper. It was the last count that did for him. He couldn’t laugh that off anywhere, and funds were getting low.Finally, a relative got the young man a job as a copy writer in an advertising agency, housed near the Battery in an ancient loft building which has since been torn down. Perhaps it is time to drop the third person. The young man was myself. I remember him well, although at this distance both the person and his actions seem a little unreal. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.a911574c 11 16 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: The Business Nobody Knows 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it 03 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it has affected our individual and social psychology as a people; what its rôle is likely to be in the present rapidly changing pattern of social and economic forces. The advertising business is quite literally the business nobody knows; nobody, including, or perhaps more especially, advertising men. As evidence of this general ignorance, one has only to cite a few of the misapprehensions which have confused the very few contemporary economists, sociologists and publicists who have attempted to treat the subject. 30 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it has affected our individual and social psychology as a people; what its rôle is likely to be in the present rapidly changing pattern of social and economic forces. The advertising business is quite literally the business nobody knows; nobody, including, or perhaps more especially, advertising men. As evidence of this general ignorance, one has only to cite a few of the misapprehensions which have confused the very few contemporary economists, sociologists and publicists who have attempted to treat the subject. 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.47e2b928 17 26 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: The Apparatus of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely rela 03 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely related institutions, people and activities.In Advertising Agency Compensation Professor James A. Young, of the University of Chicago, estimates that in 1932 there were 2,000 recognized national and local advertising agencies engaged in the preparation and placing of newspaper, magazine, direct-by-mail, carcard, poster, radio and all miscellaneous advertising. These 2,000 agencies served 16,573 advertisers. Advertisers served by agencies having recognition by individual publishers only are excluded from this estimate. 30 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely related institutions, people and activities.In Advertising Agency Compensation Professor James A. Young, of the University of Chicago, estimates that in 1932 there were 2,000 recognized national and local advertising agencies engaged in the preparation and placing of newspaper, magazine, direct-by-mail, carcard, poster, radio and all miscellaneous advertising. These 2,000 agencies served 16,573 advertisers. Advertisers served by agencies having recognition by individual publishers only are excluded from this estimate. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.dfafab82 27 34 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: How It Works: The Endless Chain of Salesmanship 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies an 03 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies and benefits that the public at large derives from the system are traceable to the fact that the apparatus of advertising is not unified; it exhibits all the typical conflicts of competitive business under capitalism plus certain strains and stresses peculiar to itself.With the system operating at the theoretical maximum of its efficiency, the sucker, that is to say the consumer, would never get a break. In practice, of course, he gets a good many breaks: a percentage of excellent and reasonably priced products, a somewhat higher percentage of unbiased news, a still higher percentage of good entertainment both on the air and in the daily and periodical press. He even gets a modicum of genuine and salutary education—more, or less, depending on his ability to separate the wheat from the chaff. 30 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies and benefits that the public at large derives from the system are traceable to the fact that the apparatus of advertising is not unified; it exhibits all the typical conflicts of competitive business under capitalism plus certain strains and stresses peculiar to itself.With the system operating at the theoretical maximum of its efficiency, the sucker, that is to say the consumer, would never get a break. In practice, of course, he gets a good many breaks: a percentage of excellent and reasonably priced products, a somewhat higher percentage of unbiased news, a still higher percentage of good entertainment both on the air and in the daily and periodical press. He even gets a modicum of genuine and salutary education—more, or less, depending on his ability to separate the wheat from the chaff. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.fa84f3cb 35 49 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Primrose Cheese 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topm 03 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topmost tower, and returns as an ironic, incomprehensible whisper in Eddie’s ear. 30 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topmost tower, and returns as an ironic, incomprehensible whisper in Eddie’s ear. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.8802c7ec 50 55 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: As Advertised: The Product of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has 03 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has become for them the only reality, the only “sanity” with which their minds are equipped to deal.The account is nevertheless true in every essential respect. The fiction is no stranger than many of the sober facts set forth elsewhere in this volume. 30 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has become for them the only reality, the only “sanity” with which their minds are equipped to deal.The account is nevertheless true in every essential respect. The fiction is no stranger than many of the sober facts set forth elsewhere in this volume. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.458ed4e3 56 99 44 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 6: The Magazines 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down 03 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down at the heels, as it is, in this fifth year of the depression. 30 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down at the heels, as it is, in this fifth year of the depression. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.a9c9ced0 100 107 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 7: The Natural History of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, a 03 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, and that, if the thing is to make sense, it has to make sense as a unit. Tell him that the news and editorials represent one thing, one responsibility, one ethic, one function, one purpose; that the advertising represents another thing, another responsibility, another purpose. He nods vaguely and gives it up.In other words, the child’s instinct leads him to precisely the same conclusion as that set forth and documented in the preceding study of the magazines. 30 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, and that, if the thing is to make sense, it has to make sense as a unit. Tell him that the news and editorials represent one thing, one responsibility, one ethic, one function, one purpose; that the advertising represents another thing, another responsibility, another purpose. He nods vaguely and gives it up.In other words, the child’s instinct leads him to precisely the same conclusion as that set forth and documented in the preceding study of the magazines. 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.6d39425d 108 128 21 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 8: The Three Graces: Advertising, Propaganda, Education 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the 03 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the use of the phrase “sales resistance” in current advertising parlance. “Sales resistance” means an impedance of the distributive function. It implies a lack of spontaneous demand for the product or service which may be caused, 30 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the use of the phrase “sales resistance” in current advertising parlance. “Sales resistance” means an impedance of the distributive function. It implies a lack of spontaneous demand for the product or service which may be caused, 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.94a7d1bf 129 139 21 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 9: Truth in Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consum 03 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consumer, is necessarily exploitative—not moderately and reasonably exploitative, but exploitative up to the tolerance limit of the traffic. This tolerance limit is determined not by ethical considerations, which are strictly irrelevant, but by the ability of the buyer to detect and penalize dishonesty and deception. This ability varies with the individual, but in general reaches its minimum in the case of the isolated ultimate consumer. 30 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consumer, is necessarily exploitative—not moderately and reasonably exploitative, but exploitative up to the tolerance limit of the traffic. This tolerance limit is determined not by ethical considerations, which are strictly irrelevant, but by the ability of the buyer to detect and penalize dishonesty and deception. This ability varies with the individual, but in general reaches its minimum in the case of the isolated ultimate consumer. 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.013ee251 140 147 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 10: Chain Music 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of p 03 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of people, and carrying the banner of progress to the most remote corners of the inhabited globe.It was the period during which the major vested interests of the American capitalist economy were being parceled out and consolidated. Railroads, coal, oil. And now, chins. Nude chins, or rather, the dynamic, progress-generating conflict between biology and creative myth, expressed in the man-made taboo on whiskers. 30 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of people, and carrying the banner of progress to the most remote corners of the inhabited globe.It was the period during which the major vested interests of the American capitalist economy were being parceled out and consolidated. Railroads, coal, oil. And now, chins. Nude chins, or rather, the dynamic, progress-generating conflict between biology and creative myth, expressed in the man-made taboo on whiskers. 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.932e6753 148 161 14 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 11: Beauty and the Ad-Man 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by 03 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by advertising, of successive exploitable concepts of feminine beauty, of beauty in clothes, houses, furniture, automobiles, kitchens, everything. The second phase of this worship has to do with the ad-man’s view of his own craft, and would appear to represent, in part at least, a perversion of the normal human instinct of workmanship. 30 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by advertising, of successive exploitable concepts of feminine beauty, of beauty in clothes, houses, furniture, automobiles, kitchens, everything. The second phase of this worship has to do with the ad-man’s view of his own craft, and would appear to represent, in part at least, a perversion of the normal human instinct of workmanship. 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1425af8c 162 169 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 12: Sacred and Profane Love 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text bo 03 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text book by Mr. Kenneth M. Goode: How to Turn People into Gold. As a practicing alchemist in his own right and also as an agent of that purest of art-for-art’s-sake gold-diggers, the business man, the ad-man treats love pragmatically, using every device to extract pecuniary gain from the love dilemmas of the population. The raw ore of human need, desire and dream is carefully washed and filtered to eliminate all impurities of intelligence, will and self-respect, so that a deposit of pure gold may be precipitated into the pockets of the advertiser.The enterprise of turning people, with their normal sexual desires and human affections, into gold, is greatly helped by the fact that our Puritan cultural heritage is peculiarly rich in the psychopathology of sex. This social condition is in itself highly exploitable, but it is not enough. The ad-man is in duty bound not merely to exploit the mores as he finds them, but further to pervert and debauch the emotional life of our literate masses and classes. He must not merely sell love-customers; he must also create love-customers, for, as we have seen, the advertising profession is nothing if not creative. 30 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text book by Mr. Kenneth M. Goode: How to Turn People into Gold. As a practicing alchemist in his own right and also as an agent of that purest of art-for-art’s-sake gold-diggers, the business man, the ad-man treats love pragmatically, using every device to extract pecuniary gain from the love dilemmas of the population. The raw ore of human need, desire and dream is carefully washed and filtered to eliminate all impurities of intelligence, will and self-respect, so that a deposit of pure gold may be precipitated into the pockets of the advertiser.The enterprise of turning people, with their normal sexual desires and human affections, into gold, is greatly helped by the fact that our Puritan cultural heritage is peculiarly rich in the psychopathology of sex. This social condition is in itself highly exploitable, but it is not enough. The ad-man is in duty bound not merely to exploit the mores as he finds them, but further to pervert and debauch the emotional life of our literate masses and classes. He must not merely sell love-customers; he must also create love-customers, for, as we have seen, the advertising profession is nothing if not creative. 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1e768a8e 170 173 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 13: Science Says: Come Up and See Me Some Time 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this 03 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this mission it is appropriate that the ad-man invoke divine aid. The god of America, indeed of the modern world, is the scientist. Today it is only in the Fundamentalist, Sunday School quarterlies that God wears long white whiskers. In the advertising pages of the popular magazines He wears a pince-nez and an imperial; sometimes He squints through a microscope; or, instead of Moses’ rod, He brandishes a test tube. The scripture which accompanies these pictorial pluckings of modern herd responses is austere, erudite, and asterisked with references to even more erudite footnotes. The headline, however, is invariably simple and explicit. In it the god says that yeast is good for what ails you. 30 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this mission it is appropriate that the ad-man invoke divine aid. The god of America, indeed of the modern world, is the scientist. Today it is only in the Fundamentalist, Sunday School quarterlies that God wears long white whiskers. In the advertising pages of the popular magazines He wears a pince-nez and an imperial; sometimes He squints through a microscope; or, instead of Moses’ rod, He brandishes a test tube. The scripture which accompanies these pictorial pluckings of modern herd responses is austere, erudite, and asterisked with references to even more erudite footnotes. The headline, however, is invariably simple and explicit. In it the god says that yeast is good for what ails you. 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.15c55d21 173 177 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 14: Whose Social Scientist Are You? 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and inte 03 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and interests standing outside this status quo.As already indicated, the product of advertising was a culture, or pseudoculture. Advertising was engaged in manufacturing precisely the material which our economists, sociologists and psychologists are supposed to study, measure and interpret—necessarily within some framework of judgment. What framework? Where did our social scientists stand during advertising’s period of expansion and conquest? 30 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and interests standing outside this status quo.As already indicated, the product of advertising was a culture, or pseudoculture. Advertising was engaged in manufacturing precisely the material which our economists, sociologists and psychologists are supposed to study, measure and interpret—necessarily within some framework of judgment. What framework? Where did our social scientists stand during advertising’s period of expansion and conquest? 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1cf88d0d 178 185 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 15: Psychology Asks: How Am I Doing? 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of 03 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of study. But when the quality and effects of this interest are examined, there would appear to be a conflict between the layman’s naive view of psychology as a disinterested “objective” scientific discipline, and certain current activities of academic psychologists in the field of applied psychology.In 1920, the founder of the American school of “Behaviorism,” Dr. John B. Watson, resigned his professorship at Johns Hopkins and entered the employ of the J. Walter Thompson Advertising Agency. Psychologists have questioned the originality and value of Dr. Watson’s contributions to the young science of psychology. But his contributions, as a business man, to the technique of advertising are outstanding. 30 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of study. But when the quality and effects of this interest are examined, there would appear to be a conflict between the layman’s naive view of psychology as a disinterested “objective” scientific discipline, and certain current activities of academic psychologists in the field of applied psychology.In 1920, the founder of the American school of “Behaviorism,” Dr. John B. Watson, resigned his professorship at Johns Hopkins and entered the employ of the J. Walter Thompson Advertising Agency. Psychologists have questioned the originality and value of Dr. Watson’s contributions to the young science of psychology. But his contributions, as a business man, to the technique of advertising are outstanding. 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.e2f622ae Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 16: The Movies 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as hou 03 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as house organs for the $42,000,000,000 movie industry which every week spreads its wares before 77,000,000 American movie-goers, including 28,000,000 minors. But like other mass and class publications these movie magazines are also house organs for their advertisers—chiefly manufacturers of cosmetics, drugs and fashion goods. How this dual rôle is worked out and how the movie magazines articulate into the general economic scheme of the movie industry becomes at once apparent when we examine their promotion literature. I quote from a looseleaf promotion booklet issued by Photoplay Magazine, the largest and most successful of the movie magazines: 30 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as house organs for the $42,000,000,000 movie industry which every week spreads its wares before 77,000,000 American movie-goers, including 28,000,000 minors. But like other mass and class publications these movie magazines are also house organs for their advertisers—chiefly manufacturers of cosmetics, drugs and fashion goods. How this dual rôle is worked out and how the movie magazines articulate into the general economic scheme of the movie industry becomes at once apparent when we examine their promotion literature. I quote from a looseleaf promotion booklet issued by Photoplay Magazine, the largest and most successful of the movie magazines: 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.be0fd269 186 194 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 17: Rule by Radio 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense a 03 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense accidental. They had been thinking of something else. And as for bringing her up, that was scarcely their affair. Men of science are notoriously neglectful of their technical progeny. Observing this neglect an American historian, Vernon Parrington, was moved to remark that “science has become the drab and slut of industry.” 30 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense accidental. They had been thinking of something else. And as for bringing her up, that was scarcely their affair. Men of science are notoriously neglectful of their technical progeny. Observing this neglect an American historian, Vernon Parrington, was moved to remark that “science has become the drab and slut of industry.” 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.e8460b1b 205 212 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 18: Religion and the Ad-Man 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. 03 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. Three people sit at the next table: an imitation pimp, an imitation stage mother and an imitation burlesque show manager. Maybe the burlesque show manager is real. He is gray-haired, red-faced, thickset and voluble. He declaims:“I’m a faker. God in his blue canopy above—that’s out of Shakespeare—God knows I’m a faker. When the priest baptized me, he shook the holy water on my head (snap, snap) and said: ‘Taker, faker, faker!’” 30 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. Three people sit at the next table: an imitation pimp, an imitation stage mother and an imitation burlesque show manager. Maybe the burlesque show manager is real. He is gray-haired, red-faced, thickset and voluble. He declaims:“I’m a faker. God in his blue canopy above—that’s out of Shakespeare—God knows I’m a faker. When the priest baptized me, he shook the holy water on my head (snap, snap) and said: ‘Taker, faker, faker!’” 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.cf7ca508 213 227 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 19: Evolution of the American Hero 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as t 03 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as the end products of a social philosophy. In this chapter we shall attempt to outline the ideological evolution as it appears in the life and works of significant American personalities. Benjamin Franklin, Jay Cooke, P. T. Barnum, Henry Ward Beecher, Elbert Hubbard, Bruce Barton: what these men thought and did and said was doubtless determined largely by the economic environment in which they rose to power and influence. But their attitudes, acts and utterances served to rationalize and thereby to promote the material evolution, in the study of which the economist specializes. What we look for, in the evidence of these lives, is the religion of salesmanship which became more and more, after the turn of the century, the religion of advertising. What we find is a kind of sequence of crowd heroes, each modeling himself more or less on the ones preceding. They are middle-class heroes, all of them, and the crown and glory of the towering structure of rationalization which they erected is the identification of the Christ mission with the mission of the middle-class salesman and advertising man, which was accomplished by Mr. Barton in The Man Nobody Knows. 30 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as the end products of a social philosophy. In this chapter we shall attempt to outline the ideological evolution as it appears in the life and works of significant American personalities. Benjamin Franklin, Jay Cooke, P. T. Barnum, Henry Ward Beecher, Elbert Hubbard, Bruce Barton: what these men thought and did and said was doubtless determined largely by the economic environment in which they rose to power and influence. But their attitudes, acts and utterances served to rationalize and thereby to promote the material evolution, in the study of which the economist specializes. What we look for, in the evidence of these lives, is the religion of salesmanship which became more and more, after the turn of the century, the religion of advertising. What we find is a kind of sequence of crowd heroes, each modeling himself more or less on the ones preceding. They are middle-class heroes, all of them, and the crown and glory of the towering structure of rationalization which they erected is the identification of the Christ mission with the mission of the middle-class salesman and advertising man, which was accomplished by Mr. Barton in The Man Nobody Knows. 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.ad8dcdf1 228 241 14 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 20: The Carpenter Re-Carpentered 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton 03 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton’s rôle was much smaller and the techniques employed were much more impersonal and mechanized. Moreover, this mechanization and industrialization of sales publicity became even more pronounced during the period of advertising expansion that lasted from the Armistice to the fall of 1929. It would seem that Mr. Barton’s distinctive contribution to the evolution of the American hero was the professionalization of advertising salesmanship and its sanctification in terms of a modernized version of the Protestant Ethic. The analysis is complicated by the fact that we are dealing here with a contemporary figure whose career is not completed; nor are the facts of his career readily available. This, however, is perhaps not so important as it might seem. Mr. Barton has been a prolific writer, and it is with the evolution of his thought that we are primarily concerned. 30 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton’s rôle was much smaller and the techniques employed were much more impersonal and mechanized. Moreover, this mechanization and industrialization of sales publicity became even more pronounced during the period of advertising expansion that lasted from the Armistice to the fall of 1929. It would seem that Mr. Barton’s distinctive contribution to the evolution of the American hero was the professionalization of advertising salesmanship and its sanctification in terms of a modernized version of the Protestant Ethic. The analysis is complicated by the fact that we are dealing here with a contemporary figure whose career is not completed; nor are the facts of his career readily available. This, however, is perhaps not so important as it might seem. Mr. Barton has been a prolific writer, and it is with the evolution of his thought that we are primarily concerned. 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.d67c7840 242 251 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 21: A Gallery of Portraits 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertisi 03 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertising men.” Obviously this cannot be true. Even if one assumes the inheritance of acquired characteristics, the phenomenon of advertising is too recent in biological time to have brought about any substantial modification of human genes. Moreover, although I have known many perverse and diabolical little boys, none of these creatures was sufficiently monstrous to prompt the suspicion: “This will grow up and be an advertising man.” 30 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertising men.” Obviously this cannot be true. Even if one assumes the inheritance of acquired characteristics, the phenomenon of advertising is too recent in biological time to have brought about any substantial modification of human genes. Moreover, although I have known many perverse and diabolical little boys, none of these creatures was sufficiently monstrous to prompt the suspicion: “This will grow up and be an advertising man.” 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.d6ca9e95 252 258 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 22: Götterdämmerung: Advertising and the Depression 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriat 03 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriate attitude. For as the depression deepened it became apparent that the ad-man could not carry the burden of his own inflated apparatus, let alone break down the sales-resistance of the breadlines and sell us all back to prosperity.The ad-man tried. It is pitiful to recall those recurrent mobilizations of the forces of advertising, designed to exorcize the specter of a “psychological depression”: the infantile slogans, “Forward America!” “Don’t Sell America Short!”; finally, the campaign of President Hoover’s Organization on Unemployment Relief, to which the publications contributed free space and the advertising agencies free copy. 30 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriate attitude. For as the depression deepened it became apparent that the ad-man could not carry the burden of his own inflated apparatus, let alone break down the sales-resistance of the breadlines and sell us all back to prosperity.The ad-man tried. It is pitiful to recall those recurrent mobilizations of the forces of advertising, designed to exorcize the specter of a “psychological depression”: the infantile slogans, “Forward America!” “Don’t Sell America Short!”; finally, the campaign of President Hoover’s Organization on Unemployment Relief, to which the publications contributed free space and the advertising agencies free copy. 20 00 Open Access 27 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.9fb032f8 258 263 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 23: Nira: The Ad-Man on the Job 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieu 03 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieutenant a high-powered sales executive, General Hugh S. Johnson, who became Director of the NRA.The theory of the recovery, as outlined in the pronouncements of the President, was to raise prices and wages, eliminate cut-throat price competition, and thereby restore the solvency of the whole capitalist fabric of production and distribution for profit. One of the businesses that had to be rehabilitated was the advertising business. 30 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieutenant a high-powered sales executive, General Hugh S. Johnson, who became Director of the NRA.The theory of the recovery, as outlined in the pronouncements of the President, was to raise prices and wages, eliminate cut-throat price competition, and thereby restore the solvency of the whole capitalist fabric of production and distribution for profit. One of the businesses that had to be rehabilitated was the advertising business. 20 00 Open Access 28 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.3746b498 264 269 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 24: All for Purity 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you sh 03 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you should read the mail the President, General Johnson, and Postmaster Farley received from the patriotic medicine men, vitamin men, and cosmeticians whose sole concern appeared to be the welfare of the present Administration and the NRA. The names of these correspondents cannot be divulged, but here are a few samples of their style. 30 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you should read the mail the President, General Johnson, and Postmaster Farley received from the patriotic medicine men, vitamin men, and cosmeticians whose sole concern appeared to be the welfare of the present Administration and the NRA. The names of these correspondents cannot be divulged, but here are a few samples of their style. 20 00 Open Access 29 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.4436f704 270 276 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 25: Call for Mr. Throttlebottom 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat inse 03 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat insecure footing in the Consumers’ Advisory Board of the NRA and in the Department of Agriculture under the leadership of Assistant Secretary Tugwell. 30 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat insecure footing in the Consumers’ Advisory Board of the NRA and in the Department of Agriculture under the leadership of Assistant Secretary Tugwell. 20 00 Open Access 30 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.4241ae26 278 286 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 26: Conclusion: Problems and Prospects 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the mat 03 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the matter with the professions; also, that there is nothing the matter with business and the professions except that they are obsolete as practiced under the limiting conditions of an obsolete capitalist economy. Finally, there is nothing the matter with the machine, with industry, except that its productive forces cannot be released, and its dehumanizing effects controlled, under a profit economy. 30 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the matter with the professions; also, that there is nothing the matter with business and the professions except that they are obsolete as practiced under the limiting conditions of an obsolete capitalist economy. Finally, there is nothing the matter with the machine, with industry, except that its productive forces cannot be released, and its dehumanizing effects controlled, under a profit economy. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20201015 Pooley, Jefferson 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399016 03 9781951399016 06 15 9781951399016 03 9781951399016 06 15 9781951399016 03 9781951399016 06 15 9781951399016 03 9781951399016 WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice 20 08 20201015 02 20.00 USD WORLD urn:uuid:67004ce8-d402-443b-85b7-0455987e125f 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:3162a992-05dd-4b74-9fe0-0f16879ce6de 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:67004ce8-d402-443b-85b7-0455987e125f 15 9781951399016 03 9781951399016 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.dbba9917 13 2020941776 23 1227264741 00 EB E107 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 1 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Our Master’s Voice Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty James Rorty (1890–1973) was an American poet, journalist, and sometime advertising copywriter. 2 A24 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College Jefferson Pooley is professor of media and communication at Muhlenberg College in Allentown, PA. 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 01 eng 00 318 03 11 10 12 JFDV 10 SOC052000 12 GTC 10 LAN004000 10 BUS002000 12 KJSA 01 06 02 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. A neglected masterpiece, the book is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 03 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, <italic>Our Master’s Voice</italic> presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. The book set off tremors when it was published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But Rorty and his spirited takedown of publicity were all but forgotten a decade later. The book is a neglected masterpiece, republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 30 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, <italic>Our Master’s Voice</italic> presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. The book set off tremors when it was published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But Rorty and his spirited takedown of publicity were all but forgotten a decade later. The book is a neglected masterpiece, republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 04 00 FOREWORD ix James Rorty PREFACE to the mediastudies.press edition xi Jefferson Pooley JAMES RORTY’S VOICE: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition xiv Jefferson Pooley PREFACE: I Was an Ad-man Once 3 James Rorty CHAPTER 1 THE BUSINESS NOBODY KNOWS 11 James Rorty CHAPTER 2 THE APPARATUS OF ADVERTISING James Rorty CHAPTER 3 HOW IT WORKS 27 James Rorty CHAPTER 4 PRIMROSE CHEESE: An Advertising Accouchement 35 James Rorty CHAPTER 5 AS ADVERTISED: The Product of Advertising 50 James Rorty CHAPTER 6 THE MAGAZINES 56 James Rorty CHAPTER 7 THE NATURAL HISTORY OF ADVERTISING 100 James Rorty CHAPTER 8 THE THREE GRACES: Advertising, Propaganda, Education 108 James Rorty CHAPTER 9 TRUTH IN ADVERTISING 129 James Rorty CHAPTER 10 CHAIN MUSIC: The Truth About the Shavers James Rorty CHAPTER 11 BEAUTY AND THE AD-MAN 148 James Rorty CHAPTER 12 SACRED AND PROFANE LOVE 162 James Rorty CHAPTER 13 SCIENCE SAYS: Come up and see me some time James Rorty CHAPTER 14 WHOSE SOCIAL SCIENTIST ARE YOU? James Rorty CHAPTER 15 PSYCHOLOGY ASKS: How am I doing? 178 James Rorty CHAPTER 16 THE MOVIES 186 James Rorty CHAPTER 17 RULE BY RADIO 195 James Rorty CHAPTER 18 RELIGION AND THE AD-MAN 205 James Rorty 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.21428/3f8575cb.dbba9917_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.6124a94d ix x 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Foreword 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and 03 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and direct-by-mail companies, plus the services of supply: printing, lithography, engraving, etc. which are largely dependent upon the advertising business for their existence. The advertising technique is taken to mean the technique of manufacturing customers by producing systematized illusions of value or desirability in the minds of the particular public at which the technique is directed. 30 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and direct-by-mail companies, plus the services of supply: printing, lithography, engraving, etc. which are largely dependent upon the advertising business for their existence. The advertising technique is taken to mean the technique of manufacturing customers by producing systematized illusions of value or desirability in the minds of the particular public at which the technique is directed. 20 00 Open Access 2 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.f952be5b xi xiii 3 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communica 03 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communication” in the early postwar decades makes almost no mention of the book. Popular treatments of advertising—like Vance Packard’s 1957 best seller The Hidden Persuaders—neglect the book too. And when Our Master’s Voice does surface today, there’s usually a filial explanation: The book tends to appear in biographical sketches of Rorty’s far more famous son, Richard. 30 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communication” in the early postwar decades makes almost no mention of the book. Popular treatments of advertising—like Vance Packard’s 1957 best seller The Hidden Persuaders—neglect the book too. And when Our Master’s Voice does surface today, there’s usually a filial explanation: The book tends to appear in biographical sketches of Rorty’s far more famous son, Richard. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.76247d1f xiv xxxi Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 James Rorty’s Voice: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our 03 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our Master’s Voice, among the most penetrating critiques of advertising ever published, offers an insider’s account: “I was an ad-man once,” Rorty confesses.The book is Rorty’s coming-to-terms with an institution he knew. But it neither chronicles his career nor gives an accounting of his impressions. Rather, it has a different, and surprising, character: Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, Our Master’s Voice presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. 30 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our Master’s Voice, among the most penetrating critiques of advertising ever published, offers an insider’s account: “I was an ad-man once,” Rorty confesses.The book is Rorty’s coming-to-terms with an institution he knew. But it neither chronicles his career nor gives an accounting of his impressions. Rather, it has a different, and surprising, character: Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, Our Master’s Voice presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 4 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.7a8e6b5f 3 10 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface: I Was an Ad-man Once 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upst 03 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upstate; also on a Munsey-owned Boston paper. It was the last count that did for him. He couldn’t laugh that off anywhere, and funds were getting low.Finally, a relative got the young man a job as a copy writer in an advertising agency, housed near the Battery in an ancient loft building which has since been torn down. Perhaps it is time to drop the third person. The young man was myself. I remember him well, although at this distance both the person and his actions seem a little unreal. 30 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upstate; also on a Munsey-owned Boston paper. It was the last count that did for him. He couldn’t laugh that off anywhere, and funds were getting low.Finally, a relative got the young man a job as a copy writer in an advertising agency, housed near the Battery in an ancient loft building which has since been torn down. Perhaps it is time to drop the third person. The young man was myself. I remember him well, although at this distance both the person and his actions seem a little unreal. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.a911574c 11 16 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: The Business Nobody Knows 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it 03 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it has affected our individual and social psychology as a people; what its rôle is likely to be in the present rapidly changing pattern of social and economic forces. The advertising business is quite literally the business nobody knows; nobody, including, or perhaps more especially, advertising men. As evidence of this general ignorance, one has only to cite a few of the misapprehensions which have confused the very few contemporary economists, sociologists and publicists who have attempted to treat the subject. 30 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it has affected our individual and social psychology as a people; what its rôle is likely to be in the present rapidly changing pattern of social and economic forces. The advertising business is quite literally the business nobody knows; nobody, including, or perhaps more especially, advertising men. As evidence of this general ignorance, one has only to cite a few of the misapprehensions which have confused the very few contemporary economists, sociologists and publicists who have attempted to treat the subject. 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.47e2b928 17 26 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: The Apparatus of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely rela 03 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely related institutions, people and activities.In Advertising Agency Compensation Professor James A. Young, of the University of Chicago, estimates that in 1932 there were 2,000 recognized national and local advertising agencies engaged in the preparation and placing of newspaper, magazine, direct-by-mail, carcard, poster, radio and all miscellaneous advertising. These 2,000 agencies served 16,573 advertisers. Advertisers served by agencies having recognition by individual publishers only are excluded from this estimate. 30 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely related institutions, people and activities.In Advertising Agency Compensation Professor James A. Young, of the University of Chicago, estimates that in 1932 there were 2,000 recognized national and local advertising agencies engaged in the preparation and placing of newspaper, magazine, direct-by-mail, carcard, poster, radio and all miscellaneous advertising. These 2,000 agencies served 16,573 advertisers. Advertisers served by agencies having recognition by individual publishers only are excluded from this estimate. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.dfafab82 27 34 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: How It Works: The Endless Chain of Salesmanship 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies an 03 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies and benefits that the public at large derives from the system are traceable to the fact that the apparatus of advertising is not unified; it exhibits all the typical conflicts of competitive business under capitalism plus certain strains and stresses peculiar to itself.With the system operating at the theoretical maximum of its efficiency, the sucker, that is to say the consumer, would never get a break. In practice, of course, he gets a good many breaks: a percentage of excellent and reasonably priced products, a somewhat higher percentage of unbiased news, a still higher percentage of good entertainment both on the air and in the daily and periodical press. He even gets a modicum of genuine and salutary education—more, or less, depending on his ability to separate the wheat from the chaff. 30 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies and benefits that the public at large derives from the system are traceable to the fact that the apparatus of advertising is not unified; it exhibits all the typical conflicts of competitive business under capitalism plus certain strains and stresses peculiar to itself.With the system operating at the theoretical maximum of its efficiency, the sucker, that is to say the consumer, would never get a break. In practice, of course, he gets a good many breaks: a percentage of excellent and reasonably priced products, a somewhat higher percentage of unbiased news, a still higher percentage of good entertainment both on the air and in the daily and periodical press. He even gets a modicum of genuine and salutary education—more, or less, depending on his ability to separate the wheat from the chaff. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.fa84f3cb 35 49 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Primrose Cheese 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topm 03 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topmost tower, and returns as an ironic, incomprehensible whisper in Eddie’s ear. 30 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topmost tower, and returns as an ironic, incomprehensible whisper in Eddie’s ear. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.8802c7ec 50 55 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: As Advertised: The Product of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has 03 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has become for them the only reality, the only “sanity” with which their minds are equipped to deal.The account is nevertheless true in every essential respect. The fiction is no stranger than many of the sober facts set forth elsewhere in this volume. 30 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has become for them the only reality, the only “sanity” with which their minds are equipped to deal.The account is nevertheless true in every essential respect. The fiction is no stranger than many of the sober facts set forth elsewhere in this volume. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.458ed4e3 56 99 44 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 6: The Magazines 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down 03 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down at the heels, as it is, in this fifth year of the depression. 30 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down at the heels, as it is, in this fifth year of the depression. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.a9c9ced0 100 107 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 7: The Natural History of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, a 03 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, and that, if the thing is to make sense, it has to make sense as a unit. Tell him that the news and editorials represent one thing, one responsibility, one ethic, one function, one purpose; that the advertising represents another thing, another responsibility, another purpose. He nods vaguely and gives it up.In other words, the child’s instinct leads him to precisely the same conclusion as that set forth and documented in the preceding study of the magazines. 30 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, and that, if the thing is to make sense, it has to make sense as a unit. Tell him that the news and editorials represent one thing, one responsibility, one ethic, one function, one purpose; that the advertising represents another thing, another responsibility, another purpose. He nods vaguely and gives it up.In other words, the child’s instinct leads him to precisely the same conclusion as that set forth and documented in the preceding study of the magazines. 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.6d39425d 108 128 21 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 8: The Three Graces: Advertising, Propaganda, Education 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the 03 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the use of the phrase “sales resistance” in current advertising parlance. “Sales resistance” means an impedance of the distributive function. It implies a lack of spontaneous demand for the product or service which may be caused, 30 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the use of the phrase “sales resistance” in current advertising parlance. “Sales resistance” means an impedance of the distributive function. It implies a lack of spontaneous demand for the product or service which may be caused, 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.94a7d1bf 129 139 21 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 9: Truth in Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consum 03 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consumer, is necessarily exploitative—not moderately and reasonably exploitative, but exploitative up to the tolerance limit of the traffic. This tolerance limit is determined not by ethical considerations, which are strictly irrelevant, but by the ability of the buyer to detect and penalize dishonesty and deception. This ability varies with the individual, but in general reaches its minimum in the case of the isolated ultimate consumer. 30 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consumer, is necessarily exploitative—not moderately and reasonably exploitative, but exploitative up to the tolerance limit of the traffic. This tolerance limit is determined not by ethical considerations, which are strictly irrelevant, but by the ability of the buyer to detect and penalize dishonesty and deception. This ability varies with the individual, but in general reaches its minimum in the case of the isolated ultimate consumer. 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.013ee251 140 147 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 10: Chain Music 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of p 03 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of people, and carrying the banner of progress to the most remote corners of the inhabited globe.It was the period during which the major vested interests of the American capitalist economy were being parceled out and consolidated. Railroads, coal, oil. And now, chins. Nude chins, or rather, the dynamic, progress-generating conflict between biology and creative myth, expressed in the man-made taboo on whiskers. 30 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of people, and carrying the banner of progress to the most remote corners of the inhabited globe.It was the period during which the major vested interests of the American capitalist economy were being parceled out and consolidated. Railroads, coal, oil. And now, chins. Nude chins, or rather, the dynamic, progress-generating conflict between biology and creative myth, expressed in the man-made taboo on whiskers. 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.932e6753 148 161 14 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 11: Beauty and the Ad-Man 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by 03 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by advertising, of successive exploitable concepts of feminine beauty, of beauty in clothes, houses, furniture, automobiles, kitchens, everything. The second phase of this worship has to do with the ad-man’s view of his own craft, and would appear to represent, in part at least, a perversion of the normal human instinct of workmanship. 30 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by advertising, of successive exploitable concepts of feminine beauty, of beauty in clothes, houses, furniture, automobiles, kitchens, everything. The second phase of this worship has to do with the ad-man’s view of his own craft, and would appear to represent, in part at least, a perversion of the normal human instinct of workmanship. 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1425af8c 162 169 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 12: Sacred and Profane Love 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text bo 03 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text book by Mr. Kenneth M. Goode: How to Turn People into Gold. As a practicing alchemist in his own right and also as an agent of that purest of art-for-art’s-sake gold-diggers, the business man, the ad-man treats love pragmatically, using every device to extract pecuniary gain from the love dilemmas of the population. The raw ore of human need, desire and dream is carefully washed and filtered to eliminate all impurities of intelligence, will and self-respect, so that a deposit of pure gold may be precipitated into the pockets of the advertiser.The enterprise of turning people, with their normal sexual desires and human affections, into gold, is greatly helped by the fact that our Puritan cultural heritage is peculiarly rich in the psychopathology of sex. This social condition is in itself highly exploitable, but it is not enough. The ad-man is in duty bound not merely to exploit the mores as he finds them, but further to pervert and debauch the emotional life of our literate masses and classes. He must not merely sell love-customers; he must also create love-customers, for, as we have seen, the advertising profession is nothing if not creative. 30 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text book by Mr. Kenneth M. Goode: How to Turn People into Gold. As a practicing alchemist in his own right and also as an agent of that purest of art-for-art’s-sake gold-diggers, the business man, the ad-man treats love pragmatically, using every device to extract pecuniary gain from the love dilemmas of the population. The raw ore of human need, desire and dream is carefully washed and filtered to eliminate all impurities of intelligence, will and self-respect, so that a deposit of pure gold may be precipitated into the pockets of the advertiser.The enterprise of turning people, with their normal sexual desires and human affections, into gold, is greatly helped by the fact that our Puritan cultural heritage is peculiarly rich in the psychopathology of sex. This social condition is in itself highly exploitable, but it is not enough. The ad-man is in duty bound not merely to exploit the mores as he finds them, but further to pervert and debauch the emotional life of our literate masses and classes. He must not merely sell love-customers; he must also create love-customers, for, as we have seen, the advertising profession is nothing if not creative. 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1e768a8e 170 173 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 13: Science Says: Come Up and See Me Some Time 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this 03 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this mission it is appropriate that the ad-man invoke divine aid. The god of America, indeed of the modern world, is the scientist. Today it is only in the Fundamentalist, Sunday School quarterlies that God wears long white whiskers. In the advertising pages of the popular magazines He wears a pince-nez and an imperial; sometimes He squints through a microscope; or, instead of Moses’ rod, He brandishes a test tube. The scripture which accompanies these pictorial pluckings of modern herd responses is austere, erudite, and asterisked with references to even more erudite footnotes. The headline, however, is invariably simple and explicit. In it the god says that yeast is good for what ails you. 30 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this mission it is appropriate that the ad-man invoke divine aid. The god of America, indeed of the modern world, is the scientist. Today it is only in the Fundamentalist, Sunday School quarterlies that God wears long white whiskers. In the advertising pages of the popular magazines He wears a pince-nez and an imperial; sometimes He squints through a microscope; or, instead of Moses’ rod, He brandishes a test tube. The scripture which accompanies these pictorial pluckings of modern herd responses is austere, erudite, and asterisked with references to even more erudite footnotes. The headline, however, is invariably simple and explicit. In it the god says that yeast is good for what ails you. 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.15c55d21 173 177 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 14: Whose Social Scientist Are You? 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and inte 03 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and interests standing outside this status quo.As already indicated, the product of advertising was a culture, or pseudoculture. Advertising was engaged in manufacturing precisely the material which our economists, sociologists and psychologists are supposed to study, measure and interpret—necessarily within some framework of judgment. What framework? Where did our social scientists stand during advertising’s period of expansion and conquest? 30 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and interests standing outside this status quo.As already indicated, the product of advertising was a culture, or pseudoculture. Advertising was engaged in manufacturing precisely the material which our economists, sociologists and psychologists are supposed to study, measure and interpret—necessarily within some framework of judgment. What framework? Where did our social scientists stand during advertising’s period of expansion and conquest? 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1cf88d0d 178 185 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 15: Psychology Asks: How Am I Doing? 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of 03 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of study. But when the quality and effects of this interest are examined, there would appear to be a conflict between the layman’s naive view of psychology as a disinterested “objective” scientific discipline, and certain current activities of academic psychologists in the field of applied psychology.In 1920, the founder of the American school of “Behaviorism,” Dr. John B. Watson, resigned his professorship at Johns Hopkins and entered the employ of the J. Walter Thompson Advertising Agency. Psychologists have questioned the originality and value of Dr. Watson’s contributions to the young science of psychology. But his contributions, as a business man, to the technique of advertising are outstanding. 30 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of study. But when the quality and effects of this interest are examined, there would appear to be a conflict between the layman’s naive view of psychology as a disinterested “objective” scientific discipline, and certain current activities of academic psychologists in the field of applied psychology.In 1920, the founder of the American school of “Behaviorism,” Dr. John B. Watson, resigned his professorship at Johns Hopkins and entered the employ of the J. Walter Thompson Advertising Agency. Psychologists have questioned the originality and value of Dr. Watson’s contributions to the young science of psychology. But his contributions, as a business man, to the technique of advertising are outstanding. 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.e2f622ae Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 16: The Movies 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as hou 03 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as house organs for the $42,000,000,000 movie industry which every week spreads its wares before 77,000,000 American movie-goers, including 28,000,000 minors. But like other mass and class publications these movie magazines are also house organs for their advertisers—chiefly manufacturers of cosmetics, drugs and fashion goods. How this dual rôle is worked out and how the movie magazines articulate into the general economic scheme of the movie industry becomes at once apparent when we examine their promotion literature. I quote from a looseleaf promotion booklet issued by Photoplay Magazine, the largest and most successful of the movie magazines: 30 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as house organs for the $42,000,000,000 movie industry which every week spreads its wares before 77,000,000 American movie-goers, including 28,000,000 minors. But like other mass and class publications these movie magazines are also house organs for their advertisers—chiefly manufacturers of cosmetics, drugs and fashion goods. How this dual rôle is worked out and how the movie magazines articulate into the general economic scheme of the movie industry becomes at once apparent when we examine their promotion literature. I quote from a looseleaf promotion booklet issued by Photoplay Magazine, the largest and most successful of the movie magazines: 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.be0fd269 186 194 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 17: Rule by Radio 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense a 03 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense accidental. They had been thinking of something else. And as for bringing her up, that was scarcely their affair. Men of science are notoriously neglectful of their technical progeny. Observing this neglect an American historian, Vernon Parrington, was moved to remark that “science has become the drab and slut of industry.” 30 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense accidental. They had been thinking of something else. And as for bringing her up, that was scarcely their affair. Men of science are notoriously neglectful of their technical progeny. Observing this neglect an American historian, Vernon Parrington, was moved to remark that “science has become the drab and slut of industry.” 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.e8460b1b 205 212 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 18: Religion and the Ad-Man 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. 03 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. Three people sit at the next table: an imitation pimp, an imitation stage mother and an imitation burlesque show manager. Maybe the burlesque show manager is real. He is gray-haired, red-faced, thickset and voluble. He declaims:“I’m a faker. God in his blue canopy above—that’s out of Shakespeare—God knows I’m a faker. When the priest baptized me, he shook the holy water on my head (snap, snap) and said: ‘Taker, faker, faker!’” 30 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. Three people sit at the next table: an imitation pimp, an imitation stage mother and an imitation burlesque show manager. Maybe the burlesque show manager is real. He is gray-haired, red-faced, thickset and voluble. He declaims:“I’m a faker. God in his blue canopy above—that’s out of Shakespeare—God knows I’m a faker. When the priest baptized me, he shook the holy water on my head (snap, snap) and said: ‘Taker, faker, faker!’” 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.cf7ca508 213 227 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 19: Evolution of the American Hero 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as t 03 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as the end products of a social philosophy. In this chapter we shall attempt to outline the ideological evolution as it appears in the life and works of significant American personalities. Benjamin Franklin, Jay Cooke, P. T. Barnum, Henry Ward Beecher, Elbert Hubbard, Bruce Barton: what these men thought and did and said was doubtless determined largely by the economic environment in which they rose to power and influence. But their attitudes, acts and utterances served to rationalize and thereby to promote the material evolution, in the study of which the economist specializes. What we look for, in the evidence of these lives, is the religion of salesmanship which became more and more, after the turn of the century, the religion of advertising. What we find is a kind of sequence of crowd heroes, each modeling himself more or less on the ones preceding. They are middle-class heroes, all of them, and the crown and glory of the towering structure of rationalization which they erected is the identification of the Christ mission with the mission of the middle-class salesman and advertising man, which was accomplished by Mr. Barton in The Man Nobody Knows. 30 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as the end products of a social philosophy. In this chapter we shall attempt to outline the ideological evolution as it appears in the life and works of significant American personalities. Benjamin Franklin, Jay Cooke, P. T. Barnum, Henry Ward Beecher, Elbert Hubbard, Bruce Barton: what these men thought and did and said was doubtless determined largely by the economic environment in which they rose to power and influence. But their attitudes, acts and utterances served to rationalize and thereby to promote the material evolution, in the study of which the economist specializes. What we look for, in the evidence of these lives, is the religion of salesmanship which became more and more, after the turn of the century, the religion of advertising. What we find is a kind of sequence of crowd heroes, each modeling himself more or less on the ones preceding. They are middle-class heroes, all of them, and the crown and glory of the towering structure of rationalization which they erected is the identification of the Christ mission with the mission of the middle-class salesman and advertising man, which was accomplished by Mr. Barton in The Man Nobody Knows. 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.ad8dcdf1 228 241 14 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 20: The Carpenter Re-Carpentered 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton 03 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton’s rôle was much smaller and the techniques employed were much more impersonal and mechanized. Moreover, this mechanization and industrialization of sales publicity became even more pronounced during the period of advertising expansion that lasted from the Armistice to the fall of 1929. It would seem that Mr. Barton’s distinctive contribution to the evolution of the American hero was the professionalization of advertising salesmanship and its sanctification in terms of a modernized version of the Protestant Ethic. The analysis is complicated by the fact that we are dealing here with a contemporary figure whose career is not completed; nor are the facts of his career readily available. This, however, is perhaps not so important as it might seem. Mr. Barton has been a prolific writer, and it is with the evolution of his thought that we are primarily concerned. 30 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton’s rôle was much smaller and the techniques employed were much more impersonal and mechanized. Moreover, this mechanization and industrialization of sales publicity became even more pronounced during the period of advertising expansion that lasted from the Armistice to the fall of 1929. It would seem that Mr. Barton’s distinctive contribution to the evolution of the American hero was the professionalization of advertising salesmanship and its sanctification in terms of a modernized version of the Protestant Ethic. The analysis is complicated by the fact that we are dealing here with a contemporary figure whose career is not completed; nor are the facts of his career readily available. This, however, is perhaps not so important as it might seem. Mr. Barton has been a prolific writer, and it is with the evolution of his thought that we are primarily concerned. 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.d67c7840 242 251 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 21: A Gallery of Portraits 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertisi 03 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertising men.” Obviously this cannot be true. Even if one assumes the inheritance of acquired characteristics, the phenomenon of advertising is too recent in biological time to have brought about any substantial modification of human genes. Moreover, although I have known many perverse and diabolical little boys, none of these creatures was sufficiently monstrous to prompt the suspicion: “This will grow up and be an advertising man.” 30 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertising men.” Obviously this cannot be true. Even if one assumes the inheritance of acquired characteristics, the phenomenon of advertising is too recent in biological time to have brought about any substantial modification of human genes. Moreover, although I have known many perverse and diabolical little boys, none of these creatures was sufficiently monstrous to prompt the suspicion: “This will grow up and be an advertising man.” 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.d6ca9e95 252 258 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 22: Götterdämmerung: Advertising and the Depression 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriat 03 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriate attitude. For as the depression deepened it became apparent that the ad-man could not carry the burden of his own inflated apparatus, let alone break down the sales-resistance of the breadlines and sell us all back to prosperity.The ad-man tried. It is pitiful to recall those recurrent mobilizations of the forces of advertising, designed to exorcize the specter of a “psychological depression”: the infantile slogans, “Forward America!” “Don’t Sell America Short!”; finally, the campaign of President Hoover’s Organization on Unemployment Relief, to which the publications contributed free space and the advertising agencies free copy. 30 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriate attitude. For as the depression deepened it became apparent that the ad-man could not carry the burden of his own inflated apparatus, let alone break down the sales-resistance of the breadlines and sell us all back to prosperity.The ad-man tried. It is pitiful to recall those recurrent mobilizations of the forces of advertising, designed to exorcize the specter of a “psychological depression”: the infantile slogans, “Forward America!” “Don’t Sell America Short!”; finally, the campaign of President Hoover’s Organization on Unemployment Relief, to which the publications contributed free space and the advertising agencies free copy. 20 00 Open Access 27 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.9fb032f8 258 263 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 23: Nira: The Ad-Man on the Job 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieu 03 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieutenant a high-powered sales executive, General Hugh S. Johnson, who became Director of the NRA.The theory of the recovery, as outlined in the pronouncements of the President, was to raise prices and wages, eliminate cut-throat price competition, and thereby restore the solvency of the whole capitalist fabric of production and distribution for profit. One of the businesses that had to be rehabilitated was the advertising business. 30 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieutenant a high-powered sales executive, General Hugh S. Johnson, who became Director of the NRA.The theory of the recovery, as outlined in the pronouncements of the President, was to raise prices and wages, eliminate cut-throat price competition, and thereby restore the solvency of the whole capitalist fabric of production and distribution for profit. One of the businesses that had to be rehabilitated was the advertising business. 20 00 Open Access 28 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.3746b498 264 269 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 24: All for Purity 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you sh 03 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you should read the mail the President, General Johnson, and Postmaster Farley received from the patriotic medicine men, vitamin men, and cosmeticians whose sole concern appeared to be the welfare of the present Administration and the NRA. The names of these correspondents cannot be divulged, but here are a few samples of their style. 30 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you should read the mail the President, General Johnson, and Postmaster Farley received from the patriotic medicine men, vitamin men, and cosmeticians whose sole concern appeared to be the welfare of the present Administration and the NRA. The names of these correspondents cannot be divulged, but here are a few samples of their style. 20 00 Open Access 29 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.4436f704 270 276 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 25: Call for Mr. Throttlebottom 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat inse 03 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat insecure footing in the Consumers’ Advisory Board of the NRA and in the Department of Agriculture under the leadership of Assistant Secretary Tugwell. 30 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat insecure footing in the Consumers’ Advisory Board of the NRA and in the Department of Agriculture under the leadership of Assistant Secretary Tugwell. 20 00 Open Access 30 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.4241ae26 278 286 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 26: Conclusion: Problems and Prospects 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the mat 03 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the matter with the professions; also, that there is nothing the matter with business and the professions except that they are obsolete as practiced under the limiting conditions of an obsolete capitalist economy. Finally, there is nothing the matter with the machine, with industry, except that its productive forces cannot be released, and its dehumanizing effects controlled, under a profit economy. 30 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the matter with the professions; also, that there is nothing the matter with business and the professions except that they are obsolete as practiced under the limiting conditions of an obsolete capitalist economy. Finally, there is nothing the matter with the machine, with industry, except that its productive forces cannot be released, and its dehumanizing effects controlled, under a profit economy. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20201015 Pooley, Jefferson 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399009 03 9781951399009 WORLD 11 PROJECT_MUSE 36 PROJECT_MUSE: webpage for this product https://muse.jhu.edu/book/80832 29 PROJECT_MUSE: download the title https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/351/oa_monograph/book/80832/pdf 20 08 20201015 01 11 OAPEN 36 OAPEN: webpage for this product https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/43309 29 OAPEN: download the title https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/43309/9781951399016.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y 20 08 20201015 01 11 DOAB 36 DOAB: webpage for this product https://directory.doabooks.org/handle/20.500.12854/27913 20 08 20201015 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product http://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=E53C0B82AA7B5D7466FD977CEB3F3393 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title http://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=E53C0B82AA7B5D7466FD977CEB3F3393 20 08 20201015 01 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice 20 08 20201015 01 11 INTERNET_ARCHIVE 36 INTERNET_ARCHIVE: webpage for this product https://archive.org/details/3162a992-05dd-4b74-9fe0-0f16879ce6de 20 08 20201015 01 11 THOTH 36 THOTH: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice 29 THOTH: download the title https://books.mediastudies.press/10.21428/3f8575cb.dbba9917.pdf 20 08 20201015 01 urn:uuid:34c80c32-a3ed-489e-93ac-ebdf721fa8ad 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:3162a992-05dd-4b74-9fe0-0f16879ce6de 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:34c80c32-a3ed-489e-93ac-ebdf721fa8ad 15 9781951399016 03 9781951399016 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.dbba9917 13 2020941776 23 1227264741 00 EB E105 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 1 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Our Master’s Voice Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty James Rorty (1890–1973) was an American poet, journalist, and sometime advertising copywriter. 2 A24 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College Jefferson Pooley is professor of media and communication at Muhlenberg College in Allentown, PA. 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 01 eng 00 318 03 11 10 12 JFDV 10 SOC052000 12 GTC 10 LAN004000 10 BUS002000 12 KJSA 01 06 02 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. A neglected masterpiece, the book is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 03 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, <italic>Our Master’s Voice</italic> presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. The book set off tremors when it was published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But Rorty and his spirited takedown of publicity were all but forgotten a decade later. The book is a neglected masterpiece, republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 30 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, <italic>Our Master’s Voice</italic> presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. The book set off tremors when it was published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But Rorty and his spirited takedown of publicity were all but forgotten a decade later. The book is a neglected masterpiece, republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 04 00 FOREWORD ix James Rorty PREFACE to the mediastudies.press edition xi Jefferson Pooley JAMES RORTY’S VOICE: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition xiv Jefferson Pooley PREFACE: I Was an Ad-man Once 3 James Rorty CHAPTER 1 THE BUSINESS NOBODY KNOWS 11 James Rorty CHAPTER 2 THE APPARATUS OF ADVERTISING James Rorty CHAPTER 3 HOW IT WORKS 27 James Rorty CHAPTER 4 PRIMROSE CHEESE: An Advertising Accouchement 35 James Rorty CHAPTER 5 AS ADVERTISED: The Product of Advertising 50 James Rorty CHAPTER 6 THE MAGAZINES 56 James Rorty CHAPTER 7 THE NATURAL HISTORY OF ADVERTISING 100 James Rorty CHAPTER 8 THE THREE GRACES: Advertising, Propaganda, Education 108 James Rorty CHAPTER 9 TRUTH IN ADVERTISING 129 James Rorty CHAPTER 10 CHAIN MUSIC: The Truth About the Shavers James Rorty CHAPTER 11 BEAUTY AND THE AD-MAN 148 James Rorty CHAPTER 12 SACRED AND PROFANE LOVE 162 James Rorty CHAPTER 13 SCIENCE SAYS: Come up and see me some time James Rorty CHAPTER 14 WHOSE SOCIAL SCIENTIST ARE YOU? James Rorty CHAPTER 15 PSYCHOLOGY ASKS: How am I doing? 178 James Rorty CHAPTER 16 THE MOVIES 186 James Rorty CHAPTER 17 RULE BY RADIO 195 James Rorty CHAPTER 18 RELIGION AND THE AD-MAN 205 James Rorty 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.21428/3f8575cb.dbba9917_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.6124a94d ix x 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Foreword 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and 03 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and direct-by-mail companies, plus the services of supply: printing, lithography, engraving, etc. which are largely dependent upon the advertising business for their existence. The advertising technique is taken to mean the technique of manufacturing customers by producing systematized illusions of value or desirability in the minds of the particular public at which the technique is directed. 30 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and direct-by-mail companies, plus the services of supply: printing, lithography, engraving, etc. which are largely dependent upon the advertising business for their existence. The advertising technique is taken to mean the technique of manufacturing customers by producing systematized illusions of value or desirability in the minds of the particular public at which the technique is directed. 20 00 Open Access 2 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.f952be5b xi xiii 3 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communica 03 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communication” in the early postwar decades makes almost no mention of the book. Popular treatments of advertising—like Vance Packard’s 1957 best seller The Hidden Persuaders—neglect the book too. And when Our Master’s Voice does surface today, there’s usually a filial explanation: The book tends to appear in biographical sketches of Rorty’s far more famous son, Richard. 30 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communication” in the early postwar decades makes almost no mention of the book. Popular treatments of advertising—like Vance Packard’s 1957 best seller The Hidden Persuaders—neglect the book too. And when Our Master’s Voice does surface today, there’s usually a filial explanation: The book tends to appear in biographical sketches of Rorty’s far more famous son, Richard. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.76247d1f xiv xxxi Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 James Rorty’s Voice: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our 03 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our Master’s Voice, among the most penetrating critiques of advertising ever published, offers an insider’s account: “I was an ad-man once,” Rorty confesses.The book is Rorty’s coming-to-terms with an institution he knew. But it neither chronicles his career nor gives an accounting of his impressions. Rather, it has a different, and surprising, character: Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, Our Master’s Voice presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. 30 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our Master’s Voice, among the most penetrating critiques of advertising ever published, offers an insider’s account: “I was an ad-man once,” Rorty confesses.The book is Rorty’s coming-to-terms with an institution he knew. But it neither chronicles his career nor gives an accounting of his impressions. Rather, it has a different, and surprising, character: Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, Our Master’s Voice presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 4 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.7a8e6b5f 3 10 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface: I Was an Ad-man Once 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upst 03 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upstate; also on a Munsey-owned Boston paper. It was the last count that did for him. He couldn’t laugh that off anywhere, and funds were getting low.Finally, a relative got the young man a job as a copy writer in an advertising agency, housed near the Battery in an ancient loft building which has since been torn down. Perhaps it is time to drop the third person. The young man was myself. I remember him well, although at this distance both the person and his actions seem a little unreal. 30 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upstate; also on a Munsey-owned Boston paper. It was the last count that did for him. He couldn’t laugh that off anywhere, and funds were getting low.Finally, a relative got the young man a job as a copy writer in an advertising agency, housed near the Battery in an ancient loft building which has since been torn down. Perhaps it is time to drop the third person. The young man was myself. I remember him well, although at this distance both the person and his actions seem a little unreal. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.a911574c 11 16 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: The Business Nobody Knows 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it 03 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it has affected our individual and social psychology as a people; what its rôle is likely to be in the present rapidly changing pattern of social and economic forces. The advertising business is quite literally the business nobody knows; nobody, including, or perhaps more especially, advertising men. As evidence of this general ignorance, one has only to cite a few of the misapprehensions which have confused the very few contemporary economists, sociologists and publicists who have attempted to treat the subject. 30 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it has affected our individual and social psychology as a people; what its rôle is likely to be in the present rapidly changing pattern of social and economic forces. The advertising business is quite literally the business nobody knows; nobody, including, or perhaps more especially, advertising men. As evidence of this general ignorance, one has only to cite a few of the misapprehensions which have confused the very few contemporary economists, sociologists and publicists who have attempted to treat the subject. 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.47e2b928 17 26 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: The Apparatus of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely rela 03 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely related institutions, people and activities.In Advertising Agency Compensation Professor James A. Young, of the University of Chicago, estimates that in 1932 there were 2,000 recognized national and local advertising agencies engaged in the preparation and placing of newspaper, magazine, direct-by-mail, carcard, poster, radio and all miscellaneous advertising. These 2,000 agencies served 16,573 advertisers. Advertisers served by agencies having recognition by individual publishers only are excluded from this estimate. 30 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely related institutions, people and activities.In Advertising Agency Compensation Professor James A. Young, of the University of Chicago, estimates that in 1932 there were 2,000 recognized national and local advertising agencies engaged in the preparation and placing of newspaper, magazine, direct-by-mail, carcard, poster, radio and all miscellaneous advertising. These 2,000 agencies served 16,573 advertisers. Advertisers served by agencies having recognition by individual publishers only are excluded from this estimate. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.dfafab82 27 34 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: How It Works: The Endless Chain of Salesmanship 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies an 03 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies and benefits that the public at large derives from the system are traceable to the fact that the apparatus of advertising is not unified; it exhibits all the typical conflicts of competitive business under capitalism plus certain strains and stresses peculiar to itself.With the system operating at the theoretical maximum of its efficiency, the sucker, that is to say the consumer, would never get a break. In practice, of course, he gets a good many breaks: a percentage of excellent and reasonably priced products, a somewhat higher percentage of unbiased news, a still higher percentage of good entertainment both on the air and in the daily and periodical press. He even gets a modicum of genuine and salutary education—more, or less, depending on his ability to separate the wheat from the chaff. 30 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies and benefits that the public at large derives from the system are traceable to the fact that the apparatus of advertising is not unified; it exhibits all the typical conflicts of competitive business under capitalism plus certain strains and stresses peculiar to itself.With the system operating at the theoretical maximum of its efficiency, the sucker, that is to say the consumer, would never get a break. In practice, of course, he gets a good many breaks: a percentage of excellent and reasonably priced products, a somewhat higher percentage of unbiased news, a still higher percentage of good entertainment both on the air and in the daily and periodical press. He even gets a modicum of genuine and salutary education—more, or less, depending on his ability to separate the wheat from the chaff. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.fa84f3cb 35 49 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Primrose Cheese 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topm 03 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topmost tower, and returns as an ironic, incomprehensible whisper in Eddie’s ear. 30 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topmost tower, and returns as an ironic, incomprehensible whisper in Eddie’s ear. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.8802c7ec 50 55 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: As Advertised: The Product of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has 03 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has become for them the only reality, the only “sanity” with which their minds are equipped to deal.The account is nevertheless true in every essential respect. The fiction is no stranger than many of the sober facts set forth elsewhere in this volume. 30 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has become for them the only reality, the only “sanity” with which their minds are equipped to deal.The account is nevertheless true in every essential respect. The fiction is no stranger than many of the sober facts set forth elsewhere in this volume. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.458ed4e3 56 99 44 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 6: The Magazines 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down 03 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down at the heels, as it is, in this fifth year of the depression. 30 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down at the heels, as it is, in this fifth year of the depression. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.a9c9ced0 100 107 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 7: The Natural History of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, a 03 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, and that, if the thing is to make sense, it has to make sense as a unit. Tell him that the news and editorials represent one thing, one responsibility, one ethic, one function, one purpose; that the advertising represents another thing, another responsibility, another purpose. He nods vaguely and gives it up.In other words, the child’s instinct leads him to precisely the same conclusion as that set forth and documented in the preceding study of the magazines. 30 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, and that, if the thing is to make sense, it has to make sense as a unit. Tell him that the news and editorials represent one thing, one responsibility, one ethic, one function, one purpose; that the advertising represents another thing, another responsibility, another purpose. He nods vaguely and gives it up.In other words, the child’s instinct leads him to precisely the same conclusion as that set forth and documented in the preceding study of the magazines. 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.6d39425d 108 128 21 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 8: The Three Graces: Advertising, Propaganda, Education 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the 03 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the use of the phrase “sales resistance” in current advertising parlance. “Sales resistance” means an impedance of the distributive function. It implies a lack of spontaneous demand for the product or service which may be caused, 30 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the use of the phrase “sales resistance” in current advertising parlance. “Sales resistance” means an impedance of the distributive function. It implies a lack of spontaneous demand for the product or service which may be caused, 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.94a7d1bf 129 139 21 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 9: Truth in Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consum 03 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consumer, is necessarily exploitative—not moderately and reasonably exploitative, but exploitative up to the tolerance limit of the traffic. This tolerance limit is determined not by ethical considerations, which are strictly irrelevant, but by the ability of the buyer to detect and penalize dishonesty and deception. This ability varies with the individual, but in general reaches its minimum in the case of the isolated ultimate consumer. 30 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consumer, is necessarily exploitative—not moderately and reasonably exploitative, but exploitative up to the tolerance limit of the traffic. This tolerance limit is determined not by ethical considerations, which are strictly irrelevant, but by the ability of the buyer to detect and penalize dishonesty and deception. This ability varies with the individual, but in general reaches its minimum in the case of the isolated ultimate consumer. 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.013ee251 140 147 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 10: Chain Music 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of p 03 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of people, and carrying the banner of progress to the most remote corners of the inhabited globe.It was the period during which the major vested interests of the American capitalist economy were being parceled out and consolidated. Railroads, coal, oil. And now, chins. Nude chins, or rather, the dynamic, progress-generating conflict between biology and creative myth, expressed in the man-made taboo on whiskers. 30 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of people, and carrying the banner of progress to the most remote corners of the inhabited globe.It was the period during which the major vested interests of the American capitalist economy were being parceled out and consolidated. Railroads, coal, oil. And now, chins. Nude chins, or rather, the dynamic, progress-generating conflict between biology and creative myth, expressed in the man-made taboo on whiskers. 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.932e6753 148 161 14 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 11: Beauty and the Ad-Man 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by 03 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by advertising, of successive exploitable concepts of feminine beauty, of beauty in clothes, houses, furniture, automobiles, kitchens, everything. The second phase of this worship has to do with the ad-man’s view of his own craft, and would appear to represent, in part at least, a perversion of the normal human instinct of workmanship. 30 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by advertising, of successive exploitable concepts of feminine beauty, of beauty in clothes, houses, furniture, automobiles, kitchens, everything. The second phase of this worship has to do with the ad-man’s view of his own craft, and would appear to represent, in part at least, a perversion of the normal human instinct of workmanship. 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1425af8c 162 169 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 12: Sacred and Profane Love 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text bo 03 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text book by Mr. Kenneth M. Goode: How to Turn People into Gold. As a practicing alchemist in his own right and also as an agent of that purest of art-for-art’s-sake gold-diggers, the business man, the ad-man treats love pragmatically, using every device to extract pecuniary gain from the love dilemmas of the population. The raw ore of human need, desire and dream is carefully washed and filtered to eliminate all impurities of intelligence, will and self-respect, so that a deposit of pure gold may be precipitated into the pockets of the advertiser.The enterprise of turning people, with their normal sexual desires and human affections, into gold, is greatly helped by the fact that our Puritan cultural heritage is peculiarly rich in the psychopathology of sex. This social condition is in itself highly exploitable, but it is not enough. The ad-man is in duty bound not merely to exploit the mores as he finds them, but further to pervert and debauch the emotional life of our literate masses and classes. He must not merely sell love-customers; he must also create love-customers, for, as we have seen, the advertising profession is nothing if not creative. 30 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text book by Mr. Kenneth M. Goode: How to Turn People into Gold. As a practicing alchemist in his own right and also as an agent of that purest of art-for-art’s-sake gold-diggers, the business man, the ad-man treats love pragmatically, using every device to extract pecuniary gain from the love dilemmas of the population. The raw ore of human need, desire and dream is carefully washed and filtered to eliminate all impurities of intelligence, will and self-respect, so that a deposit of pure gold may be precipitated into the pockets of the advertiser.The enterprise of turning people, with their normal sexual desires and human affections, into gold, is greatly helped by the fact that our Puritan cultural heritage is peculiarly rich in the psychopathology of sex. This social condition is in itself highly exploitable, but it is not enough. The ad-man is in duty bound not merely to exploit the mores as he finds them, but further to pervert and debauch the emotional life of our literate masses and classes. He must not merely sell love-customers; he must also create love-customers, for, as we have seen, the advertising profession is nothing if not creative. 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1e768a8e 170 173 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 13: Science Says: Come Up and See Me Some Time 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this 03 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this mission it is appropriate that the ad-man invoke divine aid. The god of America, indeed of the modern world, is the scientist. Today it is only in the Fundamentalist, Sunday School quarterlies that God wears long white whiskers. In the advertising pages of the popular magazines He wears a pince-nez and an imperial; sometimes He squints through a microscope; or, instead of Moses’ rod, He brandishes a test tube. The scripture which accompanies these pictorial pluckings of modern herd responses is austere, erudite, and asterisked with references to even more erudite footnotes. The headline, however, is invariably simple and explicit. In it the god says that yeast is good for what ails you. 30 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this mission it is appropriate that the ad-man invoke divine aid. The god of America, indeed of the modern world, is the scientist. Today it is only in the Fundamentalist, Sunday School quarterlies that God wears long white whiskers. In the advertising pages of the popular magazines He wears a pince-nez and an imperial; sometimes He squints through a microscope; or, instead of Moses’ rod, He brandishes a test tube. The scripture which accompanies these pictorial pluckings of modern herd responses is austere, erudite, and asterisked with references to even more erudite footnotes. The headline, however, is invariably simple and explicit. In it the god says that yeast is good for what ails you. 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.15c55d21 173 177 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 14: Whose Social Scientist Are You? 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and inte 03 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and interests standing outside this status quo.As already indicated, the product of advertising was a culture, or pseudoculture. Advertising was engaged in manufacturing precisely the material which our economists, sociologists and psychologists are supposed to study, measure and interpret—necessarily within some framework of judgment. What framework? Where did our social scientists stand during advertising’s period of expansion and conquest? 30 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and interests standing outside this status quo.As already indicated, the product of advertising was a culture, or pseudoculture. Advertising was engaged in manufacturing precisely the material which our economists, sociologists and psychologists are supposed to study, measure and interpret—necessarily within some framework of judgment. What framework? Where did our social scientists stand during advertising’s period of expansion and conquest? 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1cf88d0d 178 185 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 15: Psychology Asks: How Am I Doing? 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of 03 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of study. But when the quality and effects of this interest are examined, there would appear to be a conflict between the layman’s naive view of psychology as a disinterested “objective” scientific discipline, and certain current activities of academic psychologists in the field of applied psychology.In 1920, the founder of the American school of “Behaviorism,” Dr. John B. Watson, resigned his professorship at Johns Hopkins and entered the employ of the J. Walter Thompson Advertising Agency. Psychologists have questioned the originality and value of Dr. Watson’s contributions to the young science of psychology. But his contributions, as a business man, to the technique of advertising are outstanding. 30 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of study. But when the quality and effects of this interest are examined, there would appear to be a conflict between the layman’s naive view of psychology as a disinterested “objective” scientific discipline, and certain current activities of academic psychologists in the field of applied psychology.In 1920, the founder of the American school of “Behaviorism,” Dr. John B. Watson, resigned his professorship at Johns Hopkins and entered the employ of the J. Walter Thompson Advertising Agency. Psychologists have questioned the originality and value of Dr. Watson’s contributions to the young science of psychology. But his contributions, as a business man, to the technique of advertising are outstanding. 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.e2f622ae Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 16: The Movies 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as hou 03 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as house organs for the $42,000,000,000 movie industry which every week spreads its wares before 77,000,000 American movie-goers, including 28,000,000 minors. But like other mass and class publications these movie magazines are also house organs for their advertisers—chiefly manufacturers of cosmetics, drugs and fashion goods. How this dual rôle is worked out and how the movie magazines articulate into the general economic scheme of the movie industry becomes at once apparent when we examine their promotion literature. I quote from a looseleaf promotion booklet issued by Photoplay Magazine, the largest and most successful of the movie magazines: 30 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as house organs for the $42,000,000,000 movie industry which every week spreads its wares before 77,000,000 American movie-goers, including 28,000,000 minors. But like other mass and class publications these movie magazines are also house organs for their advertisers—chiefly manufacturers of cosmetics, drugs and fashion goods. How this dual rôle is worked out and how the movie magazines articulate into the general economic scheme of the movie industry becomes at once apparent when we examine their promotion literature. I quote from a looseleaf promotion booklet issued by Photoplay Magazine, the largest and most successful of the movie magazines: 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.be0fd269 186 194 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 17: Rule by Radio 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense a 03 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense accidental. They had been thinking of something else. And as for bringing her up, that was scarcely their affair. Men of science are notoriously neglectful of their technical progeny. Observing this neglect an American historian, Vernon Parrington, was moved to remark that “science has become the drab and slut of industry.” 30 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense accidental. They had been thinking of something else. And as for bringing her up, that was scarcely their affair. Men of science are notoriously neglectful of their technical progeny. Observing this neglect an American historian, Vernon Parrington, was moved to remark that “science has become the drab and slut of industry.” 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.e8460b1b 205 212 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 18: Religion and the Ad-Man 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. 03 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. Three people sit at the next table: an imitation pimp, an imitation stage mother and an imitation burlesque show manager. Maybe the burlesque show manager is real. He is gray-haired, red-faced, thickset and voluble. He declaims:“I’m a faker. God in his blue canopy above—that’s out of Shakespeare—God knows I’m a faker. When the priest baptized me, he shook the holy water on my head (snap, snap) and said: ‘Taker, faker, faker!’” 30 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. Three people sit at the next table: an imitation pimp, an imitation stage mother and an imitation burlesque show manager. Maybe the burlesque show manager is real. He is gray-haired, red-faced, thickset and voluble. He declaims:“I’m a faker. God in his blue canopy above—that’s out of Shakespeare—God knows I’m a faker. When the priest baptized me, he shook the holy water on my head (snap, snap) and said: ‘Taker, faker, faker!’” 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.cf7ca508 213 227 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 19: Evolution of the American Hero 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as t 03 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as the end products of a social philosophy. In this chapter we shall attempt to outline the ideological evolution as it appears in the life and works of significant American personalities. Benjamin Franklin, Jay Cooke, P. T. Barnum, Henry Ward Beecher, Elbert Hubbard, Bruce Barton: what these men thought and did and said was doubtless determined largely by the economic environment in which they rose to power and influence. But their attitudes, acts and utterances served to rationalize and thereby to promote the material evolution, in the study of which the economist specializes. What we look for, in the evidence of these lives, is the religion of salesmanship which became more and more, after the turn of the century, the religion of advertising. What we find is a kind of sequence of crowd heroes, each modeling himself more or less on the ones preceding. They are middle-class heroes, all of them, and the crown and glory of the towering structure of rationalization which they erected is the identification of the Christ mission with the mission of the middle-class salesman and advertising man, which was accomplished by Mr. Barton in The Man Nobody Knows. 30 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as the end products of a social philosophy. In this chapter we shall attempt to outline the ideological evolution as it appears in the life and works of significant American personalities. Benjamin Franklin, Jay Cooke, P. T. Barnum, Henry Ward Beecher, Elbert Hubbard, Bruce Barton: what these men thought and did and said was doubtless determined largely by the economic environment in which they rose to power and influence. But their attitudes, acts and utterances served to rationalize and thereby to promote the material evolution, in the study of which the economist specializes. What we look for, in the evidence of these lives, is the religion of salesmanship which became more and more, after the turn of the century, the religion of advertising. What we find is a kind of sequence of crowd heroes, each modeling himself more or less on the ones preceding. They are middle-class heroes, all of them, and the crown and glory of the towering structure of rationalization which they erected is the identification of the Christ mission with the mission of the middle-class salesman and advertising man, which was accomplished by Mr. Barton in The Man Nobody Knows. 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.ad8dcdf1 228 241 14 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 20: The Carpenter Re-Carpentered 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton 03 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton’s rôle was much smaller and the techniques employed were much more impersonal and mechanized. Moreover, this mechanization and industrialization of sales publicity became even more pronounced during the period of advertising expansion that lasted from the Armistice to the fall of 1929. It would seem that Mr. Barton’s distinctive contribution to the evolution of the American hero was the professionalization of advertising salesmanship and its sanctification in terms of a modernized version of the Protestant Ethic. The analysis is complicated by the fact that we are dealing here with a contemporary figure whose career is not completed; nor are the facts of his career readily available. This, however, is perhaps not so important as it might seem. Mr. Barton has been a prolific writer, and it is with the evolution of his thought that we are primarily concerned. 30 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton’s rôle was much smaller and the techniques employed were much more impersonal and mechanized. Moreover, this mechanization and industrialization of sales publicity became even more pronounced during the period of advertising expansion that lasted from the Armistice to the fall of 1929. It would seem that Mr. Barton’s distinctive contribution to the evolution of the American hero was the professionalization of advertising salesmanship and its sanctification in terms of a modernized version of the Protestant Ethic. The analysis is complicated by the fact that we are dealing here with a contemporary figure whose career is not completed; nor are the facts of his career readily available. This, however, is perhaps not so important as it might seem. Mr. Barton has been a prolific writer, and it is with the evolution of his thought that we are primarily concerned. 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.d67c7840 242 251 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 21: A Gallery of Portraits 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertisi 03 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertising men.” Obviously this cannot be true. Even if one assumes the inheritance of acquired characteristics, the phenomenon of advertising is too recent in biological time to have brought about any substantial modification of human genes. Moreover, although I have known many perverse and diabolical little boys, none of these creatures was sufficiently monstrous to prompt the suspicion: “This will grow up and be an advertising man.” 30 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertising men.” Obviously this cannot be true. Even if one assumes the inheritance of acquired characteristics, the phenomenon of advertising is too recent in biological time to have brought about any substantial modification of human genes. Moreover, although I have known many perverse and diabolical little boys, none of these creatures was sufficiently monstrous to prompt the suspicion: “This will grow up and be an advertising man.” 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.d6ca9e95 252 258 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 22: Götterdämmerung: Advertising and the Depression 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriat 03 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriate attitude. For as the depression deepened it became apparent that the ad-man could not carry the burden of his own inflated apparatus, let alone break down the sales-resistance of the breadlines and sell us all back to prosperity.The ad-man tried. It is pitiful to recall those recurrent mobilizations of the forces of advertising, designed to exorcize the specter of a “psychological depression”: the infantile slogans, “Forward America!” “Don’t Sell America Short!”; finally, the campaign of President Hoover’s Organization on Unemployment Relief, to which the publications contributed free space and the advertising agencies free copy. 30 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriate attitude. For as the depression deepened it became apparent that the ad-man could not carry the burden of his own inflated apparatus, let alone break down the sales-resistance of the breadlines and sell us all back to prosperity.The ad-man tried. It is pitiful to recall those recurrent mobilizations of the forces of advertising, designed to exorcize the specter of a “psychological depression”: the infantile slogans, “Forward America!” “Don’t Sell America Short!”; finally, the campaign of President Hoover’s Organization on Unemployment Relief, to which the publications contributed free space and the advertising agencies free copy. 20 00 Open Access 27 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.9fb032f8 258 263 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 23: Nira: The Ad-Man on the Job 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieu 03 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieutenant a high-powered sales executive, General Hugh S. Johnson, who became Director of the NRA.The theory of the recovery, as outlined in the pronouncements of the President, was to raise prices and wages, eliminate cut-throat price competition, and thereby restore the solvency of the whole capitalist fabric of production and distribution for profit. One of the businesses that had to be rehabilitated was the advertising business. 30 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieutenant a high-powered sales executive, General Hugh S. Johnson, who became Director of the NRA.The theory of the recovery, as outlined in the pronouncements of the President, was to raise prices and wages, eliminate cut-throat price competition, and thereby restore the solvency of the whole capitalist fabric of production and distribution for profit. One of the businesses that had to be rehabilitated was the advertising business. 20 00 Open Access 28 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.3746b498 264 269 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 24: All for Purity 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you sh 03 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you should read the mail the President, General Johnson, and Postmaster Farley received from the patriotic medicine men, vitamin men, and cosmeticians whose sole concern appeared to be the welfare of the present Administration and the NRA. The names of these correspondents cannot be divulged, but here are a few samples of their style. 30 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you should read the mail the President, General Johnson, and Postmaster Farley received from the patriotic medicine men, vitamin men, and cosmeticians whose sole concern appeared to be the welfare of the present Administration and the NRA. The names of these correspondents cannot be divulged, but here are a few samples of their style. 20 00 Open Access 29 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.4436f704 270 276 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 25: Call for Mr. Throttlebottom 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat inse 03 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat insecure footing in the Consumers’ Advisory Board of the NRA and in the Department of Agriculture under the leadership of Assistant Secretary Tugwell. 30 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat insecure footing in the Consumers’ Advisory Board of the NRA and in the Department of Agriculture under the leadership of Assistant Secretary Tugwell. 20 00 Open Access 30 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.4241ae26 278 286 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 26: Conclusion: Problems and Prospects 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the mat 03 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the matter with the professions; also, that there is nothing the matter with business and the professions except that they are obsolete as practiced under the limiting conditions of an obsolete capitalist economy. Finally, there is nothing the matter with the machine, with industry, except that its productive forces cannot be released, and its dehumanizing effects controlled, under a profit economy. 30 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the matter with the professions; also, that there is nothing the matter with business and the professions except that they are obsolete as practiced under the limiting conditions of an obsolete capitalist economy. Finally, there is nothing the matter with the machine, with industry, except that its productive forces cannot be released, and its dehumanizing effects controlled, under a profit economy. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20201015 Pooley, Jefferson 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399009 03 9781951399009 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice 20 08 20201015 01 urn:uuid:cca892a1-711f-4599-b6a1-91aea86d52c7 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:3162a992-05dd-4b74-9fe0-0f16879ce6de 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:cca892a1-711f-4599-b6a1-91aea86d52c7 15 9781951399016 03 9781951399016 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.dbba9917 13 2020941776 23 1227264741 00 EB E101 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 1 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Our Master’s Voice Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty James Rorty (1890–1973) was an American poet, journalist, and sometime advertising copywriter. 2 A24 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College Jefferson Pooley is professor of media and communication at Muhlenberg College in Allentown, PA. 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 01 eng 00 318 03 11 10 12 JFDV 10 SOC052000 12 GTC 10 LAN004000 10 BUS002000 12 KJSA 01 06 02 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. A neglected masterpiece, the book is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 03 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, <italic>Our Master’s Voice</italic> presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. The book set off tremors when it was published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But Rorty and his spirited takedown of publicity were all but forgotten a decade later. The book is a neglected masterpiece, republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 30 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, <italic>Our Master’s Voice</italic> presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. The book set off tremors when it was published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But Rorty and his spirited takedown of publicity were all but forgotten a decade later. The book is a neglected masterpiece, republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 04 00 FOREWORD ix James Rorty PREFACE to the mediastudies.press edition xi Jefferson Pooley JAMES RORTY’S VOICE: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition xiv Jefferson Pooley PREFACE: I Was an Ad-man Once 3 James Rorty CHAPTER 1 THE BUSINESS NOBODY KNOWS 11 James Rorty CHAPTER 2 THE APPARATUS OF ADVERTISING James Rorty CHAPTER 3 HOW IT WORKS 27 James Rorty CHAPTER 4 PRIMROSE CHEESE: An Advertising Accouchement 35 James Rorty CHAPTER 5 AS ADVERTISED: The Product of Advertising 50 James Rorty CHAPTER 6 THE MAGAZINES 56 James Rorty CHAPTER 7 THE NATURAL HISTORY OF ADVERTISING 100 James Rorty CHAPTER 8 THE THREE GRACES: Advertising, Propaganda, Education 108 James Rorty CHAPTER 9 TRUTH IN ADVERTISING 129 James Rorty CHAPTER 10 CHAIN MUSIC: The Truth About the Shavers James Rorty CHAPTER 11 BEAUTY AND THE AD-MAN 148 James Rorty CHAPTER 12 SACRED AND PROFANE LOVE 162 James Rorty CHAPTER 13 SCIENCE SAYS: Come up and see me some time James Rorty CHAPTER 14 WHOSE SOCIAL SCIENTIST ARE YOU? James Rorty CHAPTER 15 PSYCHOLOGY ASKS: How am I doing? 178 James Rorty CHAPTER 16 THE MOVIES 186 James Rorty CHAPTER 17 RULE BY RADIO 195 James Rorty CHAPTER 18 RELIGION AND THE AD-MAN 205 James Rorty 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.21428/3f8575cb.dbba9917_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.6124a94d ix x 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Foreword 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and 03 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and direct-by-mail companies, plus the services of supply: printing, lithography, engraving, etc. which are largely dependent upon the advertising business for their existence. The advertising technique is taken to mean the technique of manufacturing customers by producing systematized illusions of value or desirability in the minds of the particular public at which the technique is directed. 30 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and direct-by-mail companies, plus the services of supply: printing, lithography, engraving, etc. which are largely dependent upon the advertising business for their existence. The advertising technique is taken to mean the technique of manufacturing customers by producing systematized illusions of value or desirability in the minds of the particular public at which the technique is directed. 20 00 Open Access 2 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.f952be5b xi xiii 3 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communica 03 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communication” in the early postwar decades makes almost no mention of the book. Popular treatments of advertising—like Vance Packard’s 1957 best seller The Hidden Persuaders—neglect the book too. And when Our Master’s Voice does surface today, there’s usually a filial explanation: The book tends to appear in biographical sketches of Rorty’s far more famous son, Richard. 30 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communication” in the early postwar decades makes almost no mention of the book. Popular treatments of advertising—like Vance Packard’s 1957 best seller The Hidden Persuaders—neglect the book too. And when Our Master’s Voice does surface today, there’s usually a filial explanation: The book tends to appear in biographical sketches of Rorty’s far more famous son, Richard. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.76247d1f xiv xxxi Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 James Rorty’s Voice: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our 03 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our Master’s Voice, among the most penetrating critiques of advertising ever published, offers an insider’s account: “I was an ad-man once,” Rorty confesses.The book is Rorty’s coming-to-terms with an institution he knew. But it neither chronicles his career nor gives an accounting of his impressions. Rather, it has a different, and surprising, character: Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, Our Master’s Voice presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. 30 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our Master’s Voice, among the most penetrating critiques of advertising ever published, offers an insider’s account: “I was an ad-man once,” Rorty confesses.The book is Rorty’s coming-to-terms with an institution he knew. But it neither chronicles his career nor gives an accounting of his impressions. Rather, it has a different, and surprising, character: Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, Our Master’s Voice presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 4 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.7a8e6b5f 3 10 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface: I Was an Ad-man Once 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upst 03 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upstate; also on a Munsey-owned Boston paper. It was the last count that did for him. He couldn’t laugh that off anywhere, and funds were getting low.Finally, a relative got the young man a job as a copy writer in an advertising agency, housed near the Battery in an ancient loft building which has since been torn down. Perhaps it is time to drop the third person. The young man was myself. I remember him well, although at this distance both the person and his actions seem a little unreal. 30 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upstate; also on a Munsey-owned Boston paper. It was the last count that did for him. He couldn’t laugh that off anywhere, and funds were getting low.Finally, a relative got the young man a job as a copy writer in an advertising agency, housed near the Battery in an ancient loft building which has since been torn down. Perhaps it is time to drop the third person. The young man was myself. I remember him well, although at this distance both the person and his actions seem a little unreal. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.a911574c 11 16 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: The Business Nobody Knows 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it 03 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it has affected our individual and social psychology as a people; what its rôle is likely to be in the present rapidly changing pattern of social and economic forces. The advertising business is quite literally the business nobody knows; nobody, including, or perhaps more especially, advertising men. As evidence of this general ignorance, one has only to cite a few of the misapprehensions which have confused the very few contemporary economists, sociologists and publicists who have attempted to treat the subject. 30 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it has affected our individual and social psychology as a people; what its rôle is likely to be in the present rapidly changing pattern of social and economic forces. The advertising business is quite literally the business nobody knows; nobody, including, or perhaps more especially, advertising men. As evidence of this general ignorance, one has only to cite a few of the misapprehensions which have confused the very few contemporary economists, sociologists and publicists who have attempted to treat the subject. 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.47e2b928 17 26 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: The Apparatus of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely rela 03 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely related institutions, people and activities.In Advertising Agency Compensation Professor James A. Young, of the University of Chicago, estimates that in 1932 there were 2,000 recognized national and local advertising agencies engaged in the preparation and placing of newspaper, magazine, direct-by-mail, carcard, poster, radio and all miscellaneous advertising. These 2,000 agencies served 16,573 advertisers. Advertisers served by agencies having recognition by individual publishers only are excluded from this estimate. 30 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely related institutions, people and activities.In Advertising Agency Compensation Professor James A. Young, of the University of Chicago, estimates that in 1932 there were 2,000 recognized national and local advertising agencies engaged in the preparation and placing of newspaper, magazine, direct-by-mail, carcard, poster, radio and all miscellaneous advertising. These 2,000 agencies served 16,573 advertisers. Advertisers served by agencies having recognition by individual publishers only are excluded from this estimate. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.dfafab82 27 34 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: How It Works: The Endless Chain of Salesmanship 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies an 03 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies and benefits that the public at large derives from the system are traceable to the fact that the apparatus of advertising is not unified; it exhibits all the typical conflicts of competitive business under capitalism plus certain strains and stresses peculiar to itself.With the system operating at the theoretical maximum of its efficiency, the sucker, that is to say the consumer, would never get a break. In practice, of course, he gets a good many breaks: a percentage of excellent and reasonably priced products, a somewhat higher percentage of unbiased news, a still higher percentage of good entertainment both on the air and in the daily and periodical press. He even gets a modicum of genuine and salutary education—more, or less, depending on his ability to separate the wheat from the chaff. 30 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies and benefits that the public at large derives from the system are traceable to the fact that the apparatus of advertising is not unified; it exhibits all the typical conflicts of competitive business under capitalism plus certain strains and stresses peculiar to itself.With the system operating at the theoretical maximum of its efficiency, the sucker, that is to say the consumer, would never get a break. In practice, of course, he gets a good many breaks: a percentage of excellent and reasonably priced products, a somewhat higher percentage of unbiased news, a still higher percentage of good entertainment both on the air and in the daily and periodical press. He even gets a modicum of genuine and salutary education—more, or less, depending on his ability to separate the wheat from the chaff. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.fa84f3cb 35 49 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Primrose Cheese 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topm 03 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topmost tower, and returns as an ironic, incomprehensible whisper in Eddie’s ear. 30 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topmost tower, and returns as an ironic, incomprehensible whisper in Eddie’s ear. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.8802c7ec 50 55 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: As Advertised: The Product of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has 03 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has become for them the only reality, the only “sanity” with which their minds are equipped to deal.The account is nevertheless true in every essential respect. The fiction is no stranger than many of the sober facts set forth elsewhere in this volume. 30 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has become for them the only reality, the only “sanity” with which their minds are equipped to deal.The account is nevertheless true in every essential respect. The fiction is no stranger than many of the sober facts set forth elsewhere in this volume. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.458ed4e3 56 99 44 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 6: The Magazines 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down 03 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down at the heels, as it is, in this fifth year of the depression. 30 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down at the heels, as it is, in this fifth year of the depression. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.a9c9ced0 100 107 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 7: The Natural History of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, a 03 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, and that, if the thing is to make sense, it has to make sense as a unit. Tell him that the news and editorials represent one thing, one responsibility, one ethic, one function, one purpose; that the advertising represents another thing, another responsibility, another purpose. He nods vaguely and gives it up.In other words, the child’s instinct leads him to precisely the same conclusion as that set forth and documented in the preceding study of the magazines. 30 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, and that, if the thing is to make sense, it has to make sense as a unit. Tell him that the news and editorials represent one thing, one responsibility, one ethic, one function, one purpose; that the advertising represents another thing, another responsibility, another purpose. He nods vaguely and gives it up.In other words, the child’s instinct leads him to precisely the same conclusion as that set forth and documented in the preceding study of the magazines. 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.6d39425d 108 128 21 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 8: The Three Graces: Advertising, Propaganda, Education 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the 03 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the use of the phrase “sales resistance” in current advertising parlance. “Sales resistance” means an impedance of the distributive function. It implies a lack of spontaneous demand for the product or service which may be caused, 30 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the use of the phrase “sales resistance” in current advertising parlance. “Sales resistance” means an impedance of the distributive function. It implies a lack of spontaneous demand for the product or service which may be caused, 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.94a7d1bf 129 139 21 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 9: Truth in Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consum 03 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consumer, is necessarily exploitative—not moderately and reasonably exploitative, but exploitative up to the tolerance limit of the traffic. This tolerance limit is determined not by ethical considerations, which are strictly irrelevant, but by the ability of the buyer to detect and penalize dishonesty and deception. This ability varies with the individual, but in general reaches its minimum in the case of the isolated ultimate consumer. 30 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consumer, is necessarily exploitative—not moderately and reasonably exploitative, but exploitative up to the tolerance limit of the traffic. This tolerance limit is determined not by ethical considerations, which are strictly irrelevant, but by the ability of the buyer to detect and penalize dishonesty and deception. This ability varies with the individual, but in general reaches its minimum in the case of the isolated ultimate consumer. 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.013ee251 140 147 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 10: Chain Music 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of p 03 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of people, and carrying the banner of progress to the most remote corners of the inhabited globe.It was the period during which the major vested interests of the American capitalist economy were being parceled out and consolidated. Railroads, coal, oil. And now, chins. Nude chins, or rather, the dynamic, progress-generating conflict between biology and creative myth, expressed in the man-made taboo on whiskers. 30 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of people, and carrying the banner of progress to the most remote corners of the inhabited globe.It was the period during which the major vested interests of the American capitalist economy were being parceled out and consolidated. Railroads, coal, oil. And now, chins. Nude chins, or rather, the dynamic, progress-generating conflict between biology and creative myth, expressed in the man-made taboo on whiskers. 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.932e6753 148 161 14 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 11: Beauty and the Ad-Man 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by 03 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by advertising, of successive exploitable concepts of feminine beauty, of beauty in clothes, houses, furniture, automobiles, kitchens, everything. The second phase of this worship has to do with the ad-man’s view of his own craft, and would appear to represent, in part at least, a perversion of the normal human instinct of workmanship. 30 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by advertising, of successive exploitable concepts of feminine beauty, of beauty in clothes, houses, furniture, automobiles, kitchens, everything. The second phase of this worship has to do with the ad-man’s view of his own craft, and would appear to represent, in part at least, a perversion of the normal human instinct of workmanship. 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1425af8c 162 169 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 12: Sacred and Profane Love 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text bo 03 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text book by Mr. Kenneth M. Goode: How to Turn People into Gold. As a practicing alchemist in his own right and also as an agent of that purest of art-for-art’s-sake gold-diggers, the business man, the ad-man treats love pragmatically, using every device to extract pecuniary gain from the love dilemmas of the population. The raw ore of human need, desire and dream is carefully washed and filtered to eliminate all impurities of intelligence, will and self-respect, so that a deposit of pure gold may be precipitated into the pockets of the advertiser.The enterprise of turning people, with their normal sexual desires and human affections, into gold, is greatly helped by the fact that our Puritan cultural heritage is peculiarly rich in the psychopathology of sex. This social condition is in itself highly exploitable, but it is not enough. The ad-man is in duty bound not merely to exploit the mores as he finds them, but further to pervert and debauch the emotional life of our literate masses and classes. He must not merely sell love-customers; he must also create love-customers, for, as we have seen, the advertising profession is nothing if not creative. 30 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text book by Mr. Kenneth M. Goode: How to Turn People into Gold. As a practicing alchemist in his own right and also as an agent of that purest of art-for-art’s-sake gold-diggers, the business man, the ad-man treats love pragmatically, using every device to extract pecuniary gain from the love dilemmas of the population. The raw ore of human need, desire and dream is carefully washed and filtered to eliminate all impurities of intelligence, will and self-respect, so that a deposit of pure gold may be precipitated into the pockets of the advertiser.The enterprise of turning people, with their normal sexual desires and human affections, into gold, is greatly helped by the fact that our Puritan cultural heritage is peculiarly rich in the psychopathology of sex. This social condition is in itself highly exploitable, but it is not enough. The ad-man is in duty bound not merely to exploit the mores as he finds them, but further to pervert and debauch the emotional life of our literate masses and classes. He must not merely sell love-customers; he must also create love-customers, for, as we have seen, the advertising profession is nothing if not creative. 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1e768a8e 170 173 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 13: Science Says: Come Up and See Me Some Time 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this 03 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this mission it is appropriate that the ad-man invoke divine aid. The god of America, indeed of the modern world, is the scientist. Today it is only in the Fundamentalist, Sunday School quarterlies that God wears long white whiskers. In the advertising pages of the popular magazines He wears a pince-nez and an imperial; sometimes He squints through a microscope; or, instead of Moses’ rod, He brandishes a test tube. The scripture which accompanies these pictorial pluckings of modern herd responses is austere, erudite, and asterisked with references to even more erudite footnotes. The headline, however, is invariably simple and explicit. In it the god says that yeast is good for what ails you. 30 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this mission it is appropriate that the ad-man invoke divine aid. The god of America, indeed of the modern world, is the scientist. Today it is only in the Fundamentalist, Sunday School quarterlies that God wears long white whiskers. In the advertising pages of the popular magazines He wears a pince-nez and an imperial; sometimes He squints through a microscope; or, instead of Moses’ rod, He brandishes a test tube. The scripture which accompanies these pictorial pluckings of modern herd responses is austere, erudite, and asterisked with references to even more erudite footnotes. The headline, however, is invariably simple and explicit. In it the god says that yeast is good for what ails you. 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.15c55d21 173 177 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 14: Whose Social Scientist Are You? 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and inte 03 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and interests standing outside this status quo.As already indicated, the product of advertising was a culture, or pseudoculture. Advertising was engaged in manufacturing precisely the material which our economists, sociologists and psychologists are supposed to study, measure and interpret—necessarily within some framework of judgment. What framework? Where did our social scientists stand during advertising’s period of expansion and conquest? 30 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and interests standing outside this status quo.As already indicated, the product of advertising was a culture, or pseudoculture. Advertising was engaged in manufacturing precisely the material which our economists, sociologists and psychologists are supposed to study, measure and interpret—necessarily within some framework of judgment. What framework? Where did our social scientists stand during advertising’s period of expansion and conquest? 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1cf88d0d 178 185 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 15: Psychology Asks: How Am I Doing? 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of 03 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of study. But when the quality and effects of this interest are examined, there would appear to be a conflict between the layman’s naive view of psychology as a disinterested “objective” scientific discipline, and certain current activities of academic psychologists in the field of applied psychology.In 1920, the founder of the American school of “Behaviorism,” Dr. John B. Watson, resigned his professorship at Johns Hopkins and entered the employ of the J. Walter Thompson Advertising Agency. Psychologists have questioned the originality and value of Dr. Watson’s contributions to the young science of psychology. But his contributions, as a business man, to the technique of advertising are outstanding. 30 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of study. But when the quality and effects of this interest are examined, there would appear to be a conflict between the layman’s naive view of psychology as a disinterested “objective” scientific discipline, and certain current activities of academic psychologists in the field of applied psychology.In 1920, the founder of the American school of “Behaviorism,” Dr. John B. Watson, resigned his professorship at Johns Hopkins and entered the employ of the J. Walter Thompson Advertising Agency. Psychologists have questioned the originality and value of Dr. Watson’s contributions to the young science of psychology. But his contributions, as a business man, to the technique of advertising are outstanding. 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.e2f622ae Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 16: The Movies 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as hou 03 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as house organs for the $42,000,000,000 movie industry which every week spreads its wares before 77,000,000 American movie-goers, including 28,000,000 minors. But like other mass and class publications these movie magazines are also house organs for their advertisers—chiefly manufacturers of cosmetics, drugs and fashion goods. How this dual rôle is worked out and how the movie magazines articulate into the general economic scheme of the movie industry becomes at once apparent when we examine their promotion literature. I quote from a looseleaf promotion booklet issued by Photoplay Magazine, the largest and most successful of the movie magazines: 30 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as house organs for the $42,000,000,000 movie industry which every week spreads its wares before 77,000,000 American movie-goers, including 28,000,000 minors. But like other mass and class publications these movie magazines are also house organs for their advertisers—chiefly manufacturers of cosmetics, drugs and fashion goods. How this dual rôle is worked out and how the movie magazines articulate into the general economic scheme of the movie industry becomes at once apparent when we examine their promotion literature. I quote from a looseleaf promotion booklet issued by Photoplay Magazine, the largest and most successful of the movie magazines: 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.be0fd269 186 194 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 17: Rule by Radio 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense a 03 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense accidental. They had been thinking of something else. And as for bringing her up, that was scarcely their affair. Men of science are notoriously neglectful of their technical progeny. Observing this neglect an American historian, Vernon Parrington, was moved to remark that “science has become the drab and slut of industry.” 30 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense accidental. They had been thinking of something else. And as for bringing her up, that was scarcely their affair. Men of science are notoriously neglectful of their technical progeny. Observing this neglect an American historian, Vernon Parrington, was moved to remark that “science has become the drab and slut of industry.” 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.e8460b1b 205 212 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 18: Religion and the Ad-Man 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. 03 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. Three people sit at the next table: an imitation pimp, an imitation stage mother and an imitation burlesque show manager. Maybe the burlesque show manager is real. He is gray-haired, red-faced, thickset and voluble. He declaims:“I’m a faker. God in his blue canopy above—that’s out of Shakespeare—God knows I’m a faker. When the priest baptized me, he shook the holy water on my head (snap, snap) and said: ‘Taker, faker, faker!’” 30 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. Three people sit at the next table: an imitation pimp, an imitation stage mother and an imitation burlesque show manager. Maybe the burlesque show manager is real. He is gray-haired, red-faced, thickset and voluble. He declaims:“I’m a faker. God in his blue canopy above—that’s out of Shakespeare—God knows I’m a faker. When the priest baptized me, he shook the holy water on my head (snap, snap) and said: ‘Taker, faker, faker!’” 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.cf7ca508 213 227 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 19: Evolution of the American Hero 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as t 03 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as the end products of a social philosophy. In this chapter we shall attempt to outline the ideological evolution as it appears in the life and works of significant American personalities. Benjamin Franklin, Jay Cooke, P. T. Barnum, Henry Ward Beecher, Elbert Hubbard, Bruce Barton: what these men thought and did and said was doubtless determined largely by the economic environment in which they rose to power and influence. But their attitudes, acts and utterances served to rationalize and thereby to promote the material evolution, in the study of which the economist specializes. What we look for, in the evidence of these lives, is the religion of salesmanship which became more and more, after the turn of the century, the religion of advertising. What we find is a kind of sequence of crowd heroes, each modeling himself more or less on the ones preceding. They are middle-class heroes, all of them, and the crown and glory of the towering structure of rationalization which they erected is the identification of the Christ mission with the mission of the middle-class salesman and advertising man, which was accomplished by Mr. Barton in The Man Nobody Knows. 30 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as the end products of a social philosophy. In this chapter we shall attempt to outline the ideological evolution as it appears in the life and works of significant American personalities. Benjamin Franklin, Jay Cooke, P. T. Barnum, Henry Ward Beecher, Elbert Hubbard, Bruce Barton: what these men thought and did and said was doubtless determined largely by the economic environment in which they rose to power and influence. But their attitudes, acts and utterances served to rationalize and thereby to promote the material evolution, in the study of which the economist specializes. What we look for, in the evidence of these lives, is the religion of salesmanship which became more and more, after the turn of the century, the religion of advertising. What we find is a kind of sequence of crowd heroes, each modeling himself more or less on the ones preceding. They are middle-class heroes, all of them, and the crown and glory of the towering structure of rationalization which they erected is the identification of the Christ mission with the mission of the middle-class salesman and advertising man, which was accomplished by Mr. Barton in The Man Nobody Knows. 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.ad8dcdf1 228 241 14 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 20: The Carpenter Re-Carpentered 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton 03 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton’s rôle was much smaller and the techniques employed were much more impersonal and mechanized. Moreover, this mechanization and industrialization of sales publicity became even more pronounced during the period of advertising expansion that lasted from the Armistice to the fall of 1929. It would seem that Mr. Barton’s distinctive contribution to the evolution of the American hero was the professionalization of advertising salesmanship and its sanctification in terms of a modernized version of the Protestant Ethic. The analysis is complicated by the fact that we are dealing here with a contemporary figure whose career is not completed; nor are the facts of his career readily available. This, however, is perhaps not so important as it might seem. Mr. Barton has been a prolific writer, and it is with the evolution of his thought that we are primarily concerned. 30 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton’s rôle was much smaller and the techniques employed were much more impersonal and mechanized. Moreover, this mechanization and industrialization of sales publicity became even more pronounced during the period of advertising expansion that lasted from the Armistice to the fall of 1929. It would seem that Mr. Barton’s distinctive contribution to the evolution of the American hero was the professionalization of advertising salesmanship and its sanctification in terms of a modernized version of the Protestant Ethic. The analysis is complicated by the fact that we are dealing here with a contemporary figure whose career is not completed; nor are the facts of his career readily available. This, however, is perhaps not so important as it might seem. Mr. Barton has been a prolific writer, and it is with the evolution of his thought that we are primarily concerned. 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.d67c7840 242 251 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 21: A Gallery of Portraits 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertisi 03 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertising men.” Obviously this cannot be true. Even if one assumes the inheritance of acquired characteristics, the phenomenon of advertising is too recent in biological time to have brought about any substantial modification of human genes. Moreover, although I have known many perverse and diabolical little boys, none of these creatures was sufficiently monstrous to prompt the suspicion: “This will grow up and be an advertising man.” 30 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertising men.” Obviously this cannot be true. Even if one assumes the inheritance of acquired characteristics, the phenomenon of advertising is too recent in biological time to have brought about any substantial modification of human genes. Moreover, although I have known many perverse and diabolical little boys, none of these creatures was sufficiently monstrous to prompt the suspicion: “This will grow up and be an advertising man.” 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.d6ca9e95 252 258 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 22: Götterdämmerung: Advertising and the Depression 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriat 03 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriate attitude. For as the depression deepened it became apparent that the ad-man could not carry the burden of his own inflated apparatus, let alone break down the sales-resistance of the breadlines and sell us all back to prosperity.The ad-man tried. It is pitiful to recall those recurrent mobilizations of the forces of advertising, designed to exorcize the specter of a “psychological depression”: the infantile slogans, “Forward America!” “Don’t Sell America Short!”; finally, the campaign of President Hoover’s Organization on Unemployment Relief, to which the publications contributed free space and the advertising agencies free copy. 30 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriate attitude. For as the depression deepened it became apparent that the ad-man could not carry the burden of his own inflated apparatus, let alone break down the sales-resistance of the breadlines and sell us all back to prosperity.The ad-man tried. It is pitiful to recall those recurrent mobilizations of the forces of advertising, designed to exorcize the specter of a “psychological depression”: the infantile slogans, “Forward America!” “Don’t Sell America Short!”; finally, the campaign of President Hoover’s Organization on Unemployment Relief, to which the publications contributed free space and the advertising agencies free copy. 20 00 Open Access 27 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.9fb032f8 258 263 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 23: Nira: The Ad-Man on the Job 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieu 03 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieutenant a high-powered sales executive, General Hugh S. Johnson, who became Director of the NRA.The theory of the recovery, as outlined in the pronouncements of the President, was to raise prices and wages, eliminate cut-throat price competition, and thereby restore the solvency of the whole capitalist fabric of production and distribution for profit. One of the businesses that had to be rehabilitated was the advertising business. 30 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieutenant a high-powered sales executive, General Hugh S. Johnson, who became Director of the NRA.The theory of the recovery, as outlined in the pronouncements of the President, was to raise prices and wages, eliminate cut-throat price competition, and thereby restore the solvency of the whole capitalist fabric of production and distribution for profit. One of the businesses that had to be rehabilitated was the advertising business. 20 00 Open Access 28 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.3746b498 264 269 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 24: All for Purity 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you sh 03 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you should read the mail the President, General Johnson, and Postmaster Farley received from the patriotic medicine men, vitamin men, and cosmeticians whose sole concern appeared to be the welfare of the present Administration and the NRA. The names of these correspondents cannot be divulged, but here are a few samples of their style. 30 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you should read the mail the President, General Johnson, and Postmaster Farley received from the patriotic medicine men, vitamin men, and cosmeticians whose sole concern appeared to be the welfare of the present Administration and the NRA. The names of these correspondents cannot be divulged, but here are a few samples of their style. 20 00 Open Access 29 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.4436f704 270 276 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 25: Call for Mr. Throttlebottom 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat inse 03 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat insecure footing in the Consumers’ Advisory Board of the NRA and in the Department of Agriculture under the leadership of Assistant Secretary Tugwell. 30 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat insecure footing in the Consumers’ Advisory Board of the NRA and in the Department of Agriculture under the leadership of Assistant Secretary Tugwell. 20 00 Open Access 30 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.4241ae26 278 286 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 26: Conclusion: Problems and Prospects 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the mat 03 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the matter with the professions; also, that there is nothing the matter with business and the professions except that they are obsolete as practiced under the limiting conditions of an obsolete capitalist economy. Finally, there is nothing the matter with the machine, with industry, except that its productive forces cannot be released, and its dehumanizing effects controlled, under a profit economy. 30 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the matter with the professions; also, that there is nothing the matter with business and the professions except that they are obsolete as practiced under the limiting conditions of an obsolete capitalist economy. Finally, there is nothing the matter with the machine, with industry, except that its productive forces cannot be released, and its dehumanizing effects controlled, under a profit economy. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20201015 Pooley, Jefferson 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399009 03 9781951399009 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice 20 08 20201015 01 urn:uuid:3072b7d9-028b-401e-a026-978c30dca3a9 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:3162a992-05dd-4b74-9fe0-0f16879ce6de 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:3072b7d9-028b-401e-a026-978c30dca3a9 15 9781951399016 03 9781951399016 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.dbba9917 13 2020941776 23 1227264741 00 EB E127 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID d7136fc6-f183-4b7f-b245-fab4c78e1fb0 02 27702480 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/public-domain-series 03 1 01 02 Public Domain Series 01 01 Our Master’s Voice Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty James Rorty (1890–1973) was an American poet, journalist, and sometime advertising copywriter. 2 A24 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College Jefferson Pooley is professor of media and communication at Muhlenberg College in Allentown, PA. 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 01 eng 00 318 03 11 10 12 JFDV 10 SOC052000 12 GTC 10 LAN004000 10 BUS002000 12 KJSA 01 06 02 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. A neglected masterpiece, the book is republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 03 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, <italic>Our Master’s Voice</italic> presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. The book set off tremors when it was published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But Rorty and his spirited takedown of publicity were all but forgotten a decade later. The book is a neglected masterpiece, republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 30 00 “I was an ad-man once,” James Rorty writes in this classic dissection of the advertising industry. Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, <italic>Our Master’s Voice</italic> presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. The book set off tremors when it was published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But Rorty and his spirited takedown of publicity were all but forgotten a decade later. The book is a neglected masterpiece, republished in this mediastudies.press edition with a new introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 04 00 FOREWORD ix James Rorty PREFACE to the mediastudies.press edition xi Jefferson Pooley JAMES RORTY’S VOICE: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition xiv Jefferson Pooley PREFACE: I Was an Ad-man Once 3 James Rorty CHAPTER 1 THE BUSINESS NOBODY KNOWS 11 James Rorty CHAPTER 2 THE APPARATUS OF ADVERTISING James Rorty CHAPTER 3 HOW IT WORKS 27 James Rorty CHAPTER 4 PRIMROSE CHEESE: An Advertising Accouchement 35 James Rorty CHAPTER 5 AS ADVERTISED: The Product of Advertising 50 James Rorty CHAPTER 6 THE MAGAZINES 56 James Rorty CHAPTER 7 THE NATURAL HISTORY OF ADVERTISING 100 James Rorty CHAPTER 8 THE THREE GRACES: Advertising, Propaganda, Education 108 James Rorty CHAPTER 9 TRUTH IN ADVERTISING 129 James Rorty CHAPTER 10 CHAIN MUSIC: The Truth About the Shavers James Rorty CHAPTER 11 BEAUTY AND THE AD-MAN 148 James Rorty CHAPTER 12 SACRED AND PROFANE LOVE 162 James Rorty CHAPTER 13 SCIENCE SAYS: Come up and see me some time James Rorty CHAPTER 14 WHOSE SOCIAL SCIENTIST ARE YOU? James Rorty CHAPTER 15 PSYCHOLOGY ASKS: How am I doing? 178 James Rorty CHAPTER 16 THE MOVIES 186 James Rorty CHAPTER 17 RULE BY RADIO 195 James Rorty CHAPTER 18 RELIGION AND THE AD-MAN 205 James Rorty 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.21428/3f8575cb.dbba9917_frontcover.png 1 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.6124a94d ix x 2 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Foreword 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and 03 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and direct-by-mail companies, plus the services of supply: printing, lithography, engraving, etc. which are largely dependent upon the advertising business for their existence. The advertising technique is taken to mean the technique of manufacturing customers by producing systematized illusions of value or desirability in the minds of the particular public at which the technique is directed. 30 00 Two basi cdefinitions will perhaps assist the reader to understand the scope and intent of this book. The advertising business is taken to mean the total apparatus of newspaper and magazine publishing in America, plus radio broadcasting, and with important qualifications the movies; plus the advertising agency structure, car card, poster, and direct-by-mail companies, plus the services of supply: printing, lithography, engraving, etc. which are largely dependent upon the advertising business for their existence. The advertising technique is taken to mean the technique of manufacturing customers by producing systematized illusions of value or desirability in the minds of the particular public at which the technique is directed. 20 00 Open Access 2 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.f952be5b xi xiii 3 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communica 03 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communication” in the early postwar decades makes almost no mention of the book. Popular treatments of advertising—like Vance Packard’s 1957 best seller The Hidden Persuaders—neglect the book too. And when Our Master’s Voice does surface today, there’s usually a filial explanation: The book tends to appear in biographical sketches of Rorty’s far more famous son, Richard. 30 00 JAMES RORTY’S Our Master’s Voice is buried treasure. The book set off tremors when published in 1934, perhaps because its author so decisively repudiated his former profession. But after the Second World War, Rorty and his spirited takedown of advertising fell into near obscurity. The scholarly literature that coalesced around “mass communication” in the early postwar decades makes almost no mention of the book. Popular treatments of advertising—like Vance Packard’s 1957 best seller The Hidden Persuaders—neglect the book too. And when Our Master’s Voice does surface today, there’s usually a filial explanation: The book tends to appear in biographical sketches of Rorty’s far more famous son, Richard. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.76247d1f xiv xxxi Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 James Rorty’s Voice: Introduction to the mediastudies.press edition 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our 03 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our Master’s Voice, among the most penetrating critiques of advertising ever published, offers an insider’s account: “I was an ad-man once,” Rorty confesses.The book is Rorty’s coming-to-terms with an institution he knew. But it neither chronicles his career nor gives an accounting of his impressions. Rather, it has a different, and surprising, character: Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, Our Master’s Voice presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. 30 00 JAMES RORTY announced his working knowledge of the trade in the opening paragraph of Our Master’s Voice. Thirty years before, he reports, he had taken a job as a copywriter at an advertising agency in New York City. Though he preferred poetry and journalism, Rorty would continue to work intermittently in the ad business through the 1920s. Our Master’s Voice, among the most penetrating critiques of advertising ever published, offers an insider’s account: “I was an ad-man once,” Rorty confesses.The book is Rorty’s coming-to-terms with an institution he knew. But it neither chronicles his career nor gives an accounting of his impressions. Rather, it has a different, and surprising, character: Steeped in Rorty’s leftist politics, Our Master’s Voice presents advertising as the linchpin of a capitalist economy that it also helps justify. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 4 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.7a8e6b5f 3 10 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface: I Was an Ad-man Once 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upst 03 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upstate; also on a Munsey-owned Boston paper. It was the last count that did for him. He couldn’t laugh that off anywhere, and funds were getting low.Finally, a relative got the young man a job as a copy writer in an advertising agency, housed near the Battery in an ancient loft building which has since been torn down. Perhaps it is time to drop the third person. The young man was myself. I remember him well, although at this distance both the person and his actions seem a little unreal. 30 00 IMAGINE, if you can, the New York of 1913. In that year a young man just out of college was laying siege to the city desks of the metropolitan papers. He had good legs, but his past record included nothing more substantial than having been fired out of college, and having worked before college, and during vacations, on a small-city paper upstate; also on a Munsey-owned Boston paper. It was the last count that did for him. He couldn’t laugh that off anywhere, and funds were getting low.Finally, a relative got the young man a job as a copy writer in an advertising agency, housed near the Battery in an ancient loft building which has since been torn down. Perhaps it is time to drop the third person. The young man was myself. I remember him well, although at this distance both the person and his actions seem a little unreal. 20 00 Open Access 5 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.a911574c 11 16 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 1: The Business Nobody Knows 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it 03 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it has affected our individual and social psychology as a people; what its rôle is likely to be in the present rapidly changing pattern of social and economic forces. The advertising business is quite literally the business nobody knows; nobody, including, or perhaps more especially, advertising men. As evidence of this general ignorance, one has only to cite a few of the misapprehensions which have confused the very few contemporary economists, sociologists and publicists who have attempted to treat the subject. 30 00 THE title of this chapter was chosen, not so much to parody the title of Mr. Bruce Barton’s widely-read volume of New Testament exegesis, as to suggest that, in the lack of serious critical study, we really know very little about advertising: how the phenomenon happened to achieve its uniquely huge and grotesque dimensions in America; how it has affected our individual and social psychology as a people; what its rôle is likely to be in the present rapidly changing pattern of social and economic forces. The advertising business is quite literally the business nobody knows; nobody, including, or perhaps more especially, advertising men. As evidence of this general ignorance, one has only to cite a few of the misapprehensions which have confused the very few contemporary economists, sociologists and publicists who have attempted to treat the subject. 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.47e2b928 17 26 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 2: The Apparatus of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely rela 03 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely related institutions, people and activities.In Advertising Agency Compensation Professor James A. Young, of the University of Chicago, estimates that in 1932 there were 2,000 recognized national and local advertising agencies engaged in the preparation and placing of newspaper, magazine, direct-by-mail, carcard, poster, radio and all miscellaneous advertising. These 2,000 agencies served 16,573 advertisers. Advertisers served by agencies having recognition by individual publishers only are excluded from this estimate. 30 00 WHEN we come to describe and measure the apparatus of advertising, some more or less arbitrary breakdown is necessary. Let us therefore start with the advertising agency, which is the hub of the advertising business proper, where all the lines converge. We shall then draw concentric circles, representing increasingly remote but genuinely related institutions, people and activities.In Advertising Agency Compensation Professor James A. Young, of the University of Chicago, estimates that in 1932 there were 2,000 recognized national and local advertising agencies engaged in the preparation and placing of newspaper, magazine, direct-by-mail, carcard, poster, radio and all miscellaneous advertising. These 2,000 agencies served 16,573 advertisers. Advertisers served by agencies having recognition by individual publishers only are excluded from this estimate. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.dfafab82 27 34 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 3: How It Works: The Endless Chain of Salesmanship 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies an 03 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies and benefits that the public at large derives from the system are traceable to the fact that the apparatus of advertising is not unified; it exhibits all the typical conflicts of competitive business under capitalism plus certain strains and stresses peculiar to itself.With the system operating at the theoretical maximum of its efficiency, the sucker, that is to say the consumer, would never get a break. In practice, of course, he gets a good many breaks: a percentage of excellent and reasonably priced products, a somewhat higher percentage of unbiased news, a still higher percentage of good entertainment both on the air and in the daily and periodical press. He even gets a modicum of genuine and salutary education—more, or less, depending on his ability to separate the wheat from the chaff. 30 00 THE apparatus of advertising, conceived of as the total apparatus of daily and periodical publishing, the radio, and, in somewhat different quality and degree, the movie and formal education, is ramified interlocking and collusive, but not unified. This distinction must be kept carefully in mind. Most of the residual and fortuitous mercies and benefits that the public at large derives from the system are traceable to the fact that the apparatus of advertising is not unified; it exhibits all the typical conflicts of competitive business under capitalism plus certain strains and stresses peculiar to itself.With the system operating at the theoretical maximum of its efficiency, the sucker, that is to say the consumer, would never get a break. In practice, of course, he gets a good many breaks: a percentage of excellent and reasonably priced products, a somewhat higher percentage of unbiased news, a still higher percentage of good entertainment both on the air and in the daily and periodical press. He even gets a modicum of genuine and salutary education—more, or less, depending on his ability to separate the wheat from the chaff. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.fa84f3cb 35 49 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 4: Primrose Cheese 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topm 03 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topmost tower, and returns as an ironic, incomprehensible whisper in Eddie’s ear. 30 00 FROM his window close to the top of one of the minor skyscrapers of the Grand Central district, Eddie Butts, for two months now, has been watching the spectral towers of Radio City climb into the western sky.Eddie Butts sighs. It is after hours, and Eddie is tired. The sigh flies out the window, wreathes itself jocosely around the topmost tower, and returns as an ironic, incomprehensible whisper in Eddie’s ear. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.8802c7ec 50 55 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 5: As Advertised: The Product of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has 03 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has become for them the only reality, the only “sanity” with which their minds are equipped to deal.The account is nevertheless true in every essential respect. The fiction is no stranger than many of the sober facts set forth elsewhere in this volume. 30 00 THE foregoing fictionized account of what happens in a large advertising agency will doubtless strike the lay reader as exaggerated. It will be denounced, more or less sincerely, by advertising men who have lived and toiled so long on the other side of the Advertising Looking Glass that the barbarous farce-as-usual of advertising practice has become for them the only reality, the only “sanity” with which their minds are equipped to deal.The account is nevertheless true in every essential respect. The fiction is no stranger than many of the sober facts set forth elsewhere in this volume. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.458ed4e3 56 99 44 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 6: The Magazines 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down 03 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down at the heels, as it is, in this fifth year of the depression. 30 00 “FORWARD America”; “I have shared”; “We do our part.”The depression slogans of both the Hoover and the Roosevelt administrations seem to imply a national unity, a culture. The people are to be “sold” on this culture as a part of the task of rehabilitating it. It is therefore proper to examine the content of this culture, slightly down at the heels, as it is, in this fifth year of the depression. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.a9c9ced0 100 107 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 7: The Natural History of Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, a 03 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, and that, if the thing is to make sense, it has to make sense as a unit. Tell him that the news and editorials represent one thing, one responsibility, one ethic, one function, one purpose; that the advertising represents another thing, another responsibility, another purpose. He nods vaguely and gives it up.In other words, the child’s instinct leads him to precisely the same conclusion as that set forth and documented in the preceding study of the magazines. 30 00 ASK a child who is just beginning to read: “What is a newspaper? What is a magazine?” He will speak of news and fiction and advertising as integral parts of the same thing. Explain and argue as much as you like, you will not be able to disturb his primitive conviction that the advertising is not just as much a part of the paper as the news, and that, if the thing is to make sense, it has to make sense as a unit. Tell him that the news and editorials represent one thing, one responsibility, one ethic, one function, one purpose; that the advertising represents another thing, another responsibility, another purpose. He nods vaguely and gives it up.In other words, the child’s instinct leads him to precisely the same conclusion as that set forth and documented in the preceding study of the magazines. 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.6d39425d 108 128 21 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 8: The Three Graces: Advertising, Propaganda, Education 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the 03 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the use of the phrase “sales resistance” in current advertising parlance. “Sales resistance” means an impedance of the distributive function. It implies a lack of spontaneous demand for the product or service which may be caused, 30 00 MODERN advertising reaches its highest expression in the United States and under the political and social forms of our democratic institutions and concepts: a free press, popular education, representative government. It is important to note that the contemporary phenomenon is an aspect of our so-called “surplus economy,” as is revealed by the use of the phrase “sales resistance” in current advertising parlance. “Sales resistance” means an impedance of the distributive function. It implies a lack of spontaneous demand for the product or service which may be caused, 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.94a7d1bf 129 139 21 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 9: Truth in Advertising 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consum 03 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consumer, is necessarily exploitative—not moderately and reasonably exploitative, but exploitative up to the tolerance limit of the traffic. This tolerance limit is determined not by ethical considerations, which are strictly irrelevant, but by the ability of the buyer to detect and penalize dishonesty and deception. This ability varies with the individual, but in general reaches its minimum in the case of the isolated ultimate consumer. 30 00 THE conception of “Truth in Advertising” is at once the least tenable and the most necessary tenet of the ad-man’s doctrine. This contradiction arises from the fact that the advertising business is essentially an enterprise in the exploitation of belief.It is untenable because profit-motivated business, in its relations with the consumer, is necessarily exploitative—not moderately and reasonably exploitative, but exploitative up to the tolerance limit of the traffic. This tolerance limit is determined not by ethical considerations, which are strictly irrelevant, but by the ability of the buyer to detect and penalize dishonesty and deception. This ability varies with the individual, but in general reaches its minimum in the case of the isolated ultimate consumer. 20 00 Open Access 14 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.013ee251 140 147 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 10: Chain Music 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of p 03 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of people, and carrying the banner of progress to the most remote corners of the inhabited globe.It was the period during which the major vested interests of the American capitalist economy were being parceled out and consolidated. Railroads, coal, oil. And now, chins. Nude chins, or rather, the dynamic, progress-generating conflict between biology and creative myth, expressed in the man-made taboo on whiskers. 30 00 SOME time during the decade following the Civil War, and for reasons unknown, whiskers began to go out in America. But this fashion mutation ran counter to the conservatism of nature, according to which whiskers continued to come in. Thus, by the mysterious power of fashion, a great new industry was created, giving employment to millions of people, and carrying the banner of progress to the most remote corners of the inhabited globe.It was the period during which the major vested interests of the American capitalist economy were being parceled out and consolidated. Railroads, coal, oil. And now, chins. Nude chins, or rather, the dynamic, progress-generating conflict between biology and creative myth, expressed in the man-made taboo on whiskers. 20 00 Open Access 15 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.932e6753 148 161 14 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 11: Beauty and the Ad-Man 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by 03 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by advertising, of successive exploitable concepts of feminine beauty, of beauty in clothes, houses, furniture, automobiles, kitchens, everything. The second phase of this worship has to do with the ad-man’s view of his own craft, and would appear to represent, in part at least, a perversion of the normal human instinct of workmanship. 30 00 WE HAVE seen that, since advertising is essentially a traffic in belief, the profession habitually takes the name of Truth, though usually in vain. But since Beauty is Truth, Truth, Beauty, the profession is also forever rendering vain oblations at the shrine of Beauty.This worship has two major phases. The first is the manufacture, by advertising, of successive exploitable concepts of feminine beauty, of beauty in clothes, houses, furniture, automobiles, kitchens, everything. The second phase of this worship has to do with the ad-man’s view of his own craft, and would appear to represent, in part at least, a perversion of the normal human instinct of workmanship. 20 00 Open Access 16 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1425af8c 162 169 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 12: Sacred and Profane Love 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text bo 03 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text book by Mr. Kenneth M. Goode: How to Turn People into Gold. As a practicing alchemist in his own right and also as an agent of that purest of art-for-art’s-sake gold-diggers, the business man, the ad-man treats love pragmatically, using every device to extract pecuniary gain from the love dilemmas of the population. The raw ore of human need, desire and dream is carefully washed and filtered to eliminate all impurities of intelligence, will and self-respect, so that a deposit of pure gold may be precipitated into the pockets of the advertiser.The enterprise of turning people, with their normal sexual desires and human affections, into gold, is greatly helped by the fact that our Puritan cultural heritage is peculiarly rich in the psychopathology of sex. This social condition is in itself highly exploitable, but it is not enough. The ad-man is in duty bound not merely to exploit the mores as he finds them, but further to pervert and debauch the emotional life of our literate masses and classes. He must not merely sell love-customers; he must also create love-customers, for, as we have seen, the advertising profession is nothing if not creative. 30 00 IN TRACING the pattern of the ad-man’s pseudoculture, we come next to the concept of love, which figures as an ingredient in most of the coercions of fear and emulation by which the ad-man’s rule is administered and enforced. The theory and practice of this rule are clearly indicated in the title of a comparatively recent advertising text book by Mr. Kenneth M. Goode: How to Turn People into Gold. As a practicing alchemist in his own right and also as an agent of that purest of art-for-art’s-sake gold-diggers, the business man, the ad-man treats love pragmatically, using every device to extract pecuniary gain from the love dilemmas of the population. The raw ore of human need, desire and dream is carefully washed and filtered to eliminate all impurities of intelligence, will and self-respect, so that a deposit of pure gold may be precipitated into the pockets of the advertiser.The enterprise of turning people, with their normal sexual desires and human affections, into gold, is greatly helped by the fact that our Puritan cultural heritage is peculiarly rich in the psychopathology of sex. This social condition is in itself highly exploitable, but it is not enough. The ad-man is in duty bound not merely to exploit the mores as he finds them, but further to pervert and debauch the emotional life of our literate masses and classes. He must not merely sell love-customers; he must also create love-customers, for, as we have seen, the advertising profession is nothing if not creative. 20 00 Open Access 17 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1e768a8e 170 173 4 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 13: Science Says: Come Up and See Me Some Time 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this 03 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this mission it is appropriate that the ad-man invoke divine aid. The god of America, indeed of the modern world, is the scientist. Today it is only in the Fundamentalist, Sunday School quarterlies that God wears long white whiskers. In the advertising pages of the popular magazines He wears a pince-nez and an imperial; sometimes He squints through a microscope; or, instead of Moses’ rod, He brandishes a test tube. The scripture which accompanies these pictorial pluckings of modern herd responses is austere, erudite, and asterisked with references to even more erudite footnotes. The headline, however, is invariably simple and explicit. In it the god says that yeast is good for what ails you. 30 00 THE mission of the ad-man is sanctified by the exigencies of our capitalist economy and of our topsy-turvy acquisitive pseudoculture. His mission is to break down the sales resistance of the breadlines; to restore prosperity by persuading us to eat more yeast, smoke more Old Golds and gargle more assorted antiseptics.In fulfilling this mission it is appropriate that the ad-man invoke divine aid. The god of America, indeed of the modern world, is the scientist. Today it is only in the Fundamentalist, Sunday School quarterlies that God wears long white whiskers. In the advertising pages of the popular magazines He wears a pince-nez and an imperial; sometimes He squints through a microscope; or, instead of Moses’ rod, He brandishes a test tube. The scripture which accompanies these pictorial pluckings of modern herd responses is austere, erudite, and asterisked with references to even more erudite footnotes. The headline, however, is invariably simple and explicit. In it the god says that yeast is good for what ails you. 20 00 Open Access 18 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.15c55d21 173 177 5 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 14: Whose Social Scientist Are You? 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and inte 03 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and interests standing outside this status quo.As already indicated, the product of advertising was a culture, or pseudoculture. Advertising was engaged in manufacturing precisely the material which our economists, sociologists and psychologists are supposed to study, measure and interpret—necessarily within some framework of judgment. What framework? Where did our social scientists stand during advertising’s period of expansion and conquest? 30 00 AS ADVERTISING became more and more an essential part of the mechanism of sales promotion, and as our newspapers and magazines took definite form as advertising businesses, the advertising profession became highly respectable. It was part of the status quo of the acquisitive society and could be effectively challenged only by persons and interests standing outside this status quo.As already indicated, the product of advertising was a culture, or pseudoculture. Advertising was engaged in manufacturing precisely the material which our economists, sociologists and psychologists are supposed to study, measure and interpret—necessarily within some framework of judgment. What framework? Where did our social scientists stand during advertising’s period of expansion and conquest? 20 00 Open Access 19 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.1cf88d0d 178 185 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 15: Psychology Asks: How Am I Doing? 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of 03 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of study. But when the quality and effects of this interest are examined, there would appear to be a conflict between the layman’s naive view of psychology as a disinterested “objective” scientific discipline, and certain current activities of academic psychologists in the field of applied psychology.In 1920, the founder of the American school of “Behaviorism,” Dr. John B. Watson, resigned his professorship at Johns Hopkins and entered the employ of the J. Walter Thompson Advertising Agency. Psychologists have questioned the originality and value of Dr. Watson’s contributions to the young science of psychology. But his contributions, as a business man, to the technique of advertising are outstanding. 30 00 ADVERTISING, defined as the technique of producing customers, rather than the technique of selling goods and services, employs well-known psychological devices, and the advertising man is, in fact, a journeyman psychologist. Academic and business school psychologists are therefore naturally and properly interested in advertising as a field of study. But when the quality and effects of this interest are examined, there would appear to be a conflict between the layman’s naive view of psychology as a disinterested “objective” scientific discipline, and certain current activities of academic psychologists in the field of applied psychology.In 1920, the founder of the American school of “Behaviorism,” Dr. John B. Watson, resigned his professorship at Johns Hopkins and entered the employ of the J. Walter Thompson Advertising Agency. Psychologists have questioned the originality and value of Dr. Watson’s contributions to the young science of psychology. But his contributions, as a business man, to the technique of advertising are outstanding. 20 00 Open Access 20 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.e2f622ae Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 16: The Movies 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as hou 03 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as house organs for the $42,000,000,000 movie industry which every week spreads its wares before 77,000,000 American movie-goers, including 28,000,000 minors. But like other mass and class publications these movie magazines are also house organs for their advertisers—chiefly manufacturers of cosmetics, drugs and fashion goods. How this dual rôle is worked out and how the movie magazines articulate into the general economic scheme of the movie industry becomes at once apparent when we examine their promotion literature. I quote from a looseleaf promotion booklet issued by Photoplay Magazine, the largest and most successful of the movie magazines: 30 00 ALTHOUGH not a part of the advertising business proper, the movie industry maintains and is maintained by a huge and efficiently operated advertising apparatus—the dozen or so popular movie magazines whose combined circulation of over 3,000,000 ranks next in volume to that of the women’s magazines.These magazines serve in effect as house organs for the $42,000,000,000 movie industry which every week spreads its wares before 77,000,000 American movie-goers, including 28,000,000 minors. But like other mass and class publications these movie magazines are also house organs for their advertisers—chiefly manufacturers of cosmetics, drugs and fashion goods. How this dual rôle is worked out and how the movie magazines articulate into the general economic scheme of the movie industry becomes at once apparent when we examine their promotion literature. I quote from a looseleaf promotion booklet issued by Photoplay Magazine, the largest and most successful of the movie magazines: 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.be0fd269 186 194 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 17: Rule by Radio 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense a 03 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense accidental. They had been thinking of something else. And as for bringing her up, that was scarcely their affair. Men of science are notoriously neglectful of their technical progeny. Observing this neglect an American historian, Vernon Parrington, was moved to remark that “science has become the drab and slut of industry.” 30 00 RADIO broadcasting came into the world like a lost child born too soon and bearing the birthmark of a world culture which may never be achieved.Her begetters, the physicists and engineers, didn’t know what to make of the creature. That she was wistful for a world not yet born did not occur to them. Indeed her begetting was in a sense accidental. They had been thinking of something else. And as for bringing her up, that was scarcely their affair. Men of science are notoriously neglectful of their technical progeny. Observing this neglect an American historian, Vernon Parrington, was moved to remark that “science has become the drab and slut of industry.” 20 00 Open Access 22 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.e8460b1b 205 212 8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 18: Religion and the Ad-Man 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. 03 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. Three people sit at the next table: an imitation pimp, an imitation stage mother and an imitation burlesque show manager. Maybe the burlesque show manager is real. He is gray-haired, red-faced, thickset and voluble. He declaims:“I’m a faker. God in his blue canopy above—that’s out of Shakespeare—God knows I’m a faker. When the priest baptized me, he shook the holy water on my head (snap, snap) and said: ‘Taker, faker, faker!’” 30 00 WEEKS before real beer came back, the beer gardens sprang into bloom along Fourteenth Street. They are cheap. Fifteen cents buys a roast beef sandwich, a portion of beans, a portion of potatoes and a slop of thin gravy. You sit at an enamel table, look and listen. Imitation tile. Imitation Alps. Imitation Bavarian atmosphere. Imitation beer. Three people sit at the next table: an imitation pimp, an imitation stage mother and an imitation burlesque show manager. Maybe the burlesque show manager is real. He is gray-haired, red-faced, thickset and voluble. He declaims:“I’m a faker. God in his blue canopy above—that’s out of Shakespeare—God knows I’m a faker. When the priest baptized me, he shook the holy water on my head (snap, snap) and said: ‘Taker, faker, faker!’” 20 00 Open Access 23 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.cf7ca508 213 227 15 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 19: Evolution of the American Hero 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as t 03 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as the end products of a social philosophy. In this chapter we shall attempt to outline the ideological evolution as it appears in the life and works of significant American personalities. Benjamin Franklin, Jay Cooke, P. T. Barnum, Henry Ward Beecher, Elbert Hubbard, Bruce Barton: what these men thought and did and said was doubtless determined largely by the economic environment in which they rose to power and influence. But their attitudes, acts and utterances served to rationalize and thereby to promote the material evolution, in the study of which the economist specializes. What we look for, in the evidence of these lives, is the religion of salesmanship which became more and more, after the turn of the century, the religion of advertising. What we find is a kind of sequence of crowd heroes, each modeling himself more or less on the ones preceding. They are middle-class heroes, all of them, and the crown and glory of the towering structure of rationalization which they erected is the identification of the Christ mission with the mission of the middle-class salesman and advertising man, which was accomplished by Mr. Barton in The Man Nobody Knows. 30 00 THE emergence of organized and incorporated salesmanship as the characteristic phenomenon of the American society, the transmigration of the soul of the Fourth Estate into the material body of the advertising business—these developments can be viewed as logical sequences in the evolution of industrial capitalism; they can also be studied as the end products of a social philosophy. In this chapter we shall attempt to outline the ideological evolution as it appears in the life and works of significant American personalities. Benjamin Franklin, Jay Cooke, P. T. Barnum, Henry Ward Beecher, Elbert Hubbard, Bruce Barton: what these men thought and did and said was doubtless determined largely by the economic environment in which they rose to power and influence. But their attitudes, acts and utterances served to rationalize and thereby to promote the material evolution, in the study of which the economist specializes. What we look for, in the evidence of these lives, is the religion of salesmanship which became more and more, after the turn of the century, the religion of advertising. What we find is a kind of sequence of crowd heroes, each modeling himself more or less on the ones preceding. They are middle-class heroes, all of them, and the crown and glory of the towering structure of rationalization which they erected is the identification of the Christ mission with the mission of the middle-class salesman and advertising man, which was accomplished by Mr. Barton in The Man Nobody Knows. 20 00 Open Access 24 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.ad8dcdf1 228 241 14 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 20: The Carpenter Re-Carpentered 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton 03 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton’s rôle was much smaller and the techniques employed were much more impersonal and mechanized. Moreover, this mechanization and industrialization of sales publicity became even more pronounced during the period of advertising expansion that lasted from the Armistice to the fall of 1929. It would seem that Mr. Barton’s distinctive contribution to the evolution of the American hero was the professionalization of advertising salesmanship and its sanctification in terms of a modernized version of the Protestant Ethic. The analysis is complicated by the fact that we are dealing here with a contemporary figure whose career is not completed; nor are the facts of his career readily available. This, however, is perhaps not so important as it might seem. Mr. Barton has been a prolific writer, and it is with the evolution of his thought that we are primarily concerned. 30 00 ALTHOUGH Mr. Bruce Barton represents a logical projection of the rising curve along which we have traced the evolution of the American hero, he is, after Elbert Hubbard, rather an anti-climax. Mr. Barton’s rôle in the war, as director of publicity for the Y.M.C.A. was comparable, in a way, to that of Jay Cooke in the Civil War. But Mr. Barton’s rôle was much smaller and the techniques employed were much more impersonal and mechanized. Moreover, this mechanization and industrialization of sales publicity became even more pronounced during the period of advertising expansion that lasted from the Armistice to the fall of 1929. It would seem that Mr. Barton’s distinctive contribution to the evolution of the American hero was the professionalization of advertising salesmanship and its sanctification in terms of a modernized version of the Protestant Ethic. The analysis is complicated by the fact that we are dealing here with a contemporary figure whose career is not completed; nor are the facts of his career readily available. This, however, is perhaps not so important as it might seem. Mr. Barton has been a prolific writer, and it is with the evolution of his thought that we are primarily concerned. 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.d67c7840 242 251 10 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 21: A Gallery of Portraits 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertisi 03 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertising men.” Obviously this cannot be true. Even if one assumes the inheritance of acquired characteristics, the phenomenon of advertising is too recent in biological time to have brought about any substantial modification of human genes. Moreover, although I have known many perverse and diabolical little boys, none of these creatures was sufficiently monstrous to prompt the suspicion: “This will grow up and be an advertising man.” 30 00 NO DESCRIPTION of the ad-man’s pseudoculture can be considered complete without some notation of the curious atrophies, distortions and perversions of mind and spirit which the ad-man himself suffers as a consequence of his professional practice.I have heard it said of So-and-so and So-and-so in the profession: “They are born advertising men.” Obviously this cannot be true. Even if one assumes the inheritance of acquired characteristics, the phenomenon of advertising is too recent in biological time to have brought about any substantial modification of human genes. Moreover, although I have known many perverse and diabolical little boys, none of these creatures was sufficiently monstrous to prompt the suspicion: “This will grow up and be an advertising man.” 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.d6ca9e95 252 258 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 22: Götterdämmerung: Advertising and the Depression 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriat 03 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriate attitude. For as the depression deepened it became apparent that the ad-man could not carry the burden of his own inflated apparatus, let alone break down the sales-resistance of the breadlines and sell us all back to prosperity.The ad-man tried. It is pitiful to recall those recurrent mobilizations of the forces of advertising, designed to exorcize the specter of a “psychological depression”: the infantile slogans, “Forward America!” “Don’t Sell America Short!”; finally, the campaign of President Hoover’s Organization on Unemployment Relief, to which the publications contributed free space and the advertising agencies free copy. 30 00 THE evolution of the American salesman hero, climaxed by Mr. Barton’s deification of the salesman-advertising man in The Man Nobody Knows was rudely interrupted by the stock market crash in 1929. During the depression years Mr. Barton’s syndicated sermonettes struck more and more frequently the note of Christian humility. It was an appropriate attitude. For as the depression deepened it became apparent that the ad-man could not carry the burden of his own inflated apparatus, let alone break down the sales-resistance of the breadlines and sell us all back to prosperity.The ad-man tried. It is pitiful to recall those recurrent mobilizations of the forces of advertising, designed to exorcize the specter of a “psychological depression”: the infantile slogans, “Forward America!” “Don’t Sell America Short!”; finally, the campaign of President Hoover’s Organization on Unemployment Relief, to which the publications contributed free space and the advertising agencies free copy. 20 00 Open Access 27 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.9fb032f8 258 263 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 23: Nira: The Ad-Man on the Job 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieu 03 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieutenant a high-powered sales executive, General Hugh S. Johnson, who became Director of the NRA.The theory of the recovery, as outlined in the pronouncements of the President, was to raise prices and wages, eliminate cut-throat price competition, and thereby restore the solvency of the whole capitalist fabric of production and distribution for profit. One of the businesses that had to be rehabilitated was the advertising business. 30 00 WHEN President Roosevelt succeeded to the politically bankrupt Hoover Administration, it was necessary not merely to legislate a New Deal but to sell this New Deal to the American People. Tribute has already been paid to the President’s extraordinary persuasiveness in his radio addresses. It was natural that he should choose as his first lieutenant a high-powered sales executive, General Hugh S. Johnson, who became Director of the NRA.The theory of the recovery, as outlined in the pronouncements of the President, was to raise prices and wages, eliminate cut-throat price competition, and thereby restore the solvency of the whole capitalist fabric of production and distribution for profit. One of the businesses that had to be rehabilitated was the advertising business. 20 00 Open Access 28 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.3746b498 264 269 6 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 24: All for Purity 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you sh 03 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you should read the mail the President, General Johnson, and Postmaster Farley received from the patriotic medicine men, vitamin men, and cosmeticians whose sole concern appeared to be the welfare of the present Administration and the NRA. The names of these correspondents cannot be divulged, but here are a few samples of their style. 30 00 THERE are no interested, profit-motivated lobbyists at Washington; only patriots, crusaders, guardians of our most sacred institutions, saviors of humanity. If you doubt this, read the transcript of the public hearings held December 7 and 8 in Washington on the Tugwell-Copeland Food and Drug Bill. If, after that, you are still cynical, you should read the mail the President, General Johnson, and Postmaster Farley received from the patriotic medicine men, vitamin men, and cosmeticians whose sole concern appeared to be the welfare of the present Administration and the NRA. The names of these correspondents cannot be divulged, but here are a few samples of their style. 20 00 Open Access 29 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.4436f704 270 276 7 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 25: Call for Mr. Throttlebottom 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat inse 03 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat insecure footing in the Consumers’ Advisory Board of the NRA and in the Department of Agriculture under the leadership of Assistant Secretary Tugwell. 30 00 THE inevitable conflict between the idea of capitalist “reform” and the idea of capitalist “recovery” emerged most sharply in the drive for commodity standards initiated by the more liberal members of Mr. Roosevelt’s official family. These liberals—loudly denounced as “Reds” by the patent medicine, drug and food lobby—achieved a somewhat insecure footing in the Consumers’ Advisory Board of the NRA and in the Department of Agriculture under the leadership of Assistant Secretary Tugwell. 20 00 Open Access 30 03 06 10.21428/3f8575cb.4241ae26 278 286 9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Chapter 26: Conclusion: Problems and Prospects 1 A01 James Rorty James Rorty 02 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the mat 03 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the matter with the professions; also, that there is nothing the matter with business and the professions except that they are obsolete as practiced under the limiting conditions of an obsolete capitalist economy. Finally, there is nothing the matter with the machine, with industry, except that its productive forces cannot be released, and its dehumanizing effects controlled, under a profit economy. 30 00 “THERE is nothing the matter with advertising,” Bruce Barton once protested, “that is not the matter with business in general.”Since advertising is, in the end, merely a function of business management, Mr. Barton’s statement is true, broadly speaking. It might be added that there is nothing the matter with business that is not the matter with the professions; also, that there is nothing the matter with business and the professions except that they are obsolete as practiced under the limiting conditions of an obsolete capitalist economy. Finally, there is nothing the matter with the machine, with industry, except that its productive forces cannot be released, and its dehumanizing effects controlled, under a profit economy. 20 00 Open Access 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20201015 Pooley, Jefferson 02 WORLD 06 15 9781951399009 03 9781951399009 WORLD 09 mediastudies.press 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this product https://www.mediastudies.press/masters-voice 20 08 20201015 01 urn:uuid:9cb69af5-b1cc-4d37-9f82-60149c333873 03 01 01 thoth-work-id urn:uuid:64891e84-6aac-437a-a380-0481312bd2ef 01 thoth-publication-id urn:uuid:9cb69af5-b1cc-4d37-9f82-60149c333873 15 9781951399047 03 9781951399047 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1fc3f80a 00 EB E105 10 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 10 01 Series ID cb12de70-efaa-4000-99a1-ce121988cd34 02 2770940X 01 Series URL https://www.mediastudies.press/open-reader-series 03 1 01 02 Open Reader Series 01 01 Social Media & the Self An Open Reader 1 B01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College Jefferson Pooley is professor of media and communication at Muhlenberg College. 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 01 eng 12 JFD 10 SOC052000 12 GTC 10 SOC071000 12 JMS 10 TEC052000 01 06 02 00 A web-only reader on social media and the self, selected and ordered with university courses in mind. Each of its component works already carries an open access license, or—in the case of copyrighted items—links to a web version. With a preface and introduction by Jefferson Pooley. 03 00 Social Media & the Self is a web-only reader centered on the online performance of identity and curated with university courses in mind. The approach taken is to treat the self on social media as suspended between authenticity and performance. The collection traces the roots of the popular demand for individual self-expression to the early twentieth century. The message, then as now, was that the best way to get ahead is to consciously cultivate an authentic persona. The task, if anything, is more onerous today, with our fingers hovering, and hesitating, over the post button. In a nod to the theatrical context, the collection is divided into “acts,“ five of them, followed by a handful of “encore” readings that speculate on the shareable future. Each of its component works already carries an open access license, or—in the case of copyrighted items—links to a web version. The collection will be updated with new material at least twice a year, in concert with the typical North American academic calendar. Social Media & the Self is edited by Jefferson Pooley. 30 00 Social Media & the Self is a web-only reader centered on the online performance of identity and curated with university courses in mind. The approach taken is to treat the self on social media as suspended between authenticity and performance. The collection traces the roots of the popular demand for individual self-expression to the early twentieth century. The message, then as now, was that the best way to get ahead is to consciously cultivate an authentic persona. The task, if anything, is more onerous today, with our fingers hovering, and hesitating, over the post button. In a nod to the theatrical context, the collection is divided into “acts,“ five of them, followed by a handful of “encore” readings that speculate on the shareable future. Each of its component works already carries an open access license, or—in the case of copyrighted items—links to a web version. The collection will be updated with new material at least twice a year, in concert with the typical North American academic calendar. Social Media & the Self is edited by Jefferson Pooley. 04 00 THE BILL: SOCIAL MEDIA & THE SELF: AN OPEN READER Preface: The Open Reader Jefferson Pooley Introduction: Performance and Authenticity Jefferson Pooley PROLOGUE: THE SELF IN THE AGE OF ZOOM The Zoom Gaze Autumm Caines The I in the Internet Jia Tolentino ACT I: THE SOCIAL SELF The Self William James The Looking-Glass Self Charles Horton Cooley The Genesis of the Self George Herbert Mead Searching for Oneself on YouTube Claire Balleys, Florence Millerand, Christine Thoër, and Nina Duque ACT II: THE PERFORMING SELF The Management of Information About Oneself Erving Goffman Indelicate Communication Erving Goffman Shape Shifting Across Social Media Brittany I. Davidson and Adam N. Joinson Who Would I Be Without Instagram? Tavi Gevinson Sudden Amnesia Showed Me the Self Is a Convenient Fiction Steven Hales I Am Not a Story Galen Strawson How Smartphone Cameras Changed the Way We Document Our Lives Jane C. Hu I Called Off My Wedding. The Internet Will Never Forget Lauren Goode ACT III: CALCULATED AUTHENTICITY ‘Personality’ and the Making of Twentieth-Century Culture Warren I. Susman The Age of Instagram Face Jia Tolentino The Theory and History of Authenticity Charles Lindholm The #nofilter Self: The Contest for Authenticity among Social Networking Sites, 2002–2016 Meredith Salisbury and Jefferson Pooley Layers of Identity: How to Be “Real” When Everyone Is Watching Crystal Abidin When Your Authenticity Is an Act, Something’s Gone Wrong Joseph E. Davis TikTok Face Cat Zhang “Do I Look Like My Selfie?”: Filters and the Digital-Forensic Gaze Christine Lavrence and Carolina Cambre ACT IV: THE BUSINESS OF SHARING Gendered Visibility on Social Media: Navigating Instagram’s Authenticity Bind Brooke Erin Duffy and Emily Hund The Promise—and Risk—of a Career in TikTok Lauren Kaori Gurley Idols of Promotion: The Triumph of Self-Branding in an Age of Precarity Brooke Erin Duffy and Jefferson Pooley Understanding Facebook’s Algorithm Could Change How You See Yourself Alexis Papazoglou Existence Precedes Likes: How Online Behaviour Defines Us Francisco Mejia Uribe Personal Panopticons L. M. Sacasas Mirror of Your Mind Isabel Munson Beauty Filters Are Changing the Way Young Girls See Themselves Tate Ryan-Mosley ACT V: SOCIAL (MEDIA) IDENTITIES Mediated Superficiality and Misogyny Through Cool on Tinder Jin Lee “Oh, She’s a Tumblr Feminist”: Exploring the Platform Vernacular of Girls’ Social Media Feminisms Jessalyn Keller Performing a Vanilla Self: Respectability Politics, Social Class, and the Digital World Mikaela Pitcan, Alice E. Marwick, and danah boyd “Good Social Media?”: Underrepresented Youth Perspectives on the Ethical and Equitable Design of Social Media Platforms Melissa Brough, Ioana Literat, and Amanda Ikin ENCORE: ALTERNATIVE FUTURES Attention Is Not a Resource but a Way of Being Alive to the World Dan Nixon Are We Already Living in Virtual Reality? Joshua Rothman How Much Can We Afford to Forget, if We Train Machines to Remember? Gene Tracy Eat Me, Drink Me, Like Me Tara Isabella Burton 20 00 Open Access 01 00 03 02 https://books.mediastudies.press/10.32376/3f8575cb.1fc3f80a_frontcover.jpeg 1 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.cf2cbbe2 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Preface: The Open Reader 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 Social Media & the Self is intended to serve students enrolled in media and communication courses. It’s at least notable that the discipline’s first textbooks weren’t, in fact, textbooks at all. Wilbur Schramm, the English-trained scholar who helped establish communication research in the U.S., cobbled together fifteen papers into the field’s 03 00 Social Media & the Self is intended to serve students enrolled in media and communication courses. It’s at least notable that the discipline’s first textbooks weren’t, in fact, textbooks at all. Wilbur Schramm, the English-trained scholar who helped establish communication research in the U.S., cobbled together fifteen papers into the field’s first reader, Communications in Modern Society (1948). The next year Schramm published a sprawling successor collection, Mass Communications, with nearly 40 chapters: “There has not appeared, however, and probably will not for some time appear, any integrated introduction to mass communications... This volume has been designed to meet part of the need for such an introduction.” Since then, and across updated editions and countless new entrants, the reader has played an outsized role in the upstart bundle of fields that study media—a concession, perhaps, to these fields’ polyglot spread. Regardless, the course-reader format has advantages over its textbook rival: The multiplicity of voices, yes, but also the substitution of genuine scholarship for the textbook’s forced dilutions. 30 00 Social Media & the Self is intended to serve students enrolled in media and communication courses. It’s at least notable that the discipline’s first textbooks weren’t, in fact, textbooks at all. Wilbur Schramm, the English-trained scholar who helped establish communication research in the U.S., cobbled together fifteen papers into the field’s first reader, Communications in Modern Society (1948). The next year Schramm published a sprawling successor collection, Mass Communications, with nearly 40 chapters: “There has not appeared, however, and probably will not for some time appear, any integrated introduction to mass communications... This volume has been designed to meet part of the need for such an introduction.” Since then, and across updated editions and countless new entrants, the reader has played an outsized role in the upstart bundle of fields that study media—a concession, perhaps, to these fields’ polyglot spread. Regardless, the course-reader format has advantages over its textbook rival: The multiplicity of voices, yes, but also the substitution of genuine scholarship for the textbook’s forced dilutions. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 2 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.1e201a91 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Introduction: Performance and Authenticity 1 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley Professor 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 ONE PREMISE OF this course reader is that the self on social media is suspended between authenticity and performance. The dilemma, which may be an opportunity too, is that the authentic self must be performed—enacted, with forethought and even calculation. To stage manage oneself, then, is to violate a tenet of authenticity: that expression s 03 00 ONE PREMISE OF this course reader is that the self on social media is suspended between authenticity and performance. The dilemma, which may be an opportunity too, is that the authentic self must be performed—enacted, with forethought and even calculation. To stage manage oneself, then, is to violate a tenet of authenticity: that expression should be spontaneous and unrehearsed. The crux of the dilemma is the ability to curate impressions that most social media apps grant. The services, by way of time-delayed self-editing, give users lots of performative control. In practice this means that the demand to present an authentic self can be met with deliberate care. Other users—the audience for these iterative performances—know this about social media: They too tailor their posts and plandids to come off as #unfiltered. The result is mutual awareness of calculation, a presumption that the seemingly authentic is instead an artifact of strategy. This leaves everyone, from the casual user to the self-employed influencer, caught in a bind. 30 00 ONE PREMISE OF this course reader is that the self on social media is suspended between authenticity and performance. The dilemma, which may be an opportunity too, is that the authentic self must be performed—enacted, with forethought and even calculation. To stage manage oneself, then, is to violate a tenet of authenticity: that expression should be spontaneous and unrehearsed. The crux of the dilemma is the ability to curate impressions that most social media apps grant. The services, by way of time-delayed self-editing, give users lots of performative control. In practice this means that the demand to present an authentic self can be met with deliberate care. Other users—the audience for these iterative performances—know this about social media: They too tailor their posts and plandids to come off as #unfiltered. The result is mutual awareness of calculation, a presumption that the seemingly authentic is instead an artifact of strategy. This leaves everyone, from the casual user to the self-employed influencer, caught in a bind. 20 00 Open Access Jefferson Pooley 3 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.fe579632 Chapter 01 01 The Zoom Gaze 1 A01 Autumm Caines Autumm Caines 40 035wtm547 University of Michigan–Dearborn 02 00 SINCE THE PANDEMIC began, the seemingly mundane protocols of Zoom have become a significant part of many people’s daily lives: finding the right link, setting up the peripherals, managing the glitches and slippages in this supposedly “synchronous” form of communication. At first, of course, video conferencing was a godsend—a way that things c 03 00 SINCE THE PANDEMIC began, the seemingly mundane protocols of Zoom have become a significant part of many people’s daily lives: finding the right link, setting up the peripherals, managing the glitches and slippages in this supposedly “synchronous” form of communication. At first, of course, video conferencing was a godsend—a way that things could continue to go on with some semblance of normal. But it quickly became clear that video conferencing is not simply a substitute for face-to-face encounters. It incurs effects of its own.Not only did Zoom open our homes to unanticipated scrutiny and our schedules to an all-day influx of appointments, it immediately became clear how much more tiring it was to Zoom than to meet. As of this writing, the term Zoom fatigue returns almost 700,000 hits on Google, many of which are listicles on how to combat it. But others try to explain it. One theory is that the hiccups in synchronicity due to bad connections can cause false starts and interruptions, which create communicative friction and frustration that make it hard to maintain conversational etiquette. L.M. Sacasas speculates that the fatigue stems from dealing with reflections and projections of ourselves, making up for the work that bodies in space do. Zoom makes us work harder to convey and receive subtle signals from one another over video. Geert Lovink lays out a meta-analysis of proposed reasons, including what he terms “video vertigo,” a downward spiral that comes from compounding work and leisure in the same space: You need that planned happy hour video call with friends to re-up your energy from so many work calls, but you are too exhausted from work calls to get on another call for happy hour. 30 00 SINCE THE PANDEMIC began, the seemingly mundane protocols of Zoom have become a significant part of many people’s daily lives: finding the right link, setting up the peripherals, managing the glitches and slippages in this supposedly “synchronous” form of communication. At first, of course, video conferencing was a godsend—a way that things could continue to go on with some semblance of normal. But it quickly became clear that video conferencing is not simply a substitute for face-to-face encounters. It incurs effects of its own.Not only did Zoom open our homes to unanticipated scrutiny and our schedules to an all-day influx of appointments, it immediately became clear how much more tiring it was to Zoom than to meet. As of this writing, the term Zoom fatigue returns almost 700,000 hits on Google, many of which are listicles on how to combat it. But others try to explain it. One theory is that the hiccups in synchronicity due to bad connections can cause false starts and interruptions, which create communicative friction and frustration that make it hard to maintain conversational etiquette. L.M. Sacasas speculates that the fatigue stems from dealing with reflections and projections of ourselves, making up for the work that bodies in space do. Zoom makes us work harder to convey and receive subtle signals from one another over video. Geert Lovink lays out a meta-analysis of proposed reasons, including what he terms “video vertigo,” a downward spiral that comes from compounding work and leisure in the same space: You need that planned happy hour video call with friends to re-up your energy from so many work calls, but you are too exhausted from work calls to get on another call for happy hour. 4 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4e17f476 Chapter 01 01 The I in the Internet 1 A01 Jia Tolentino Jia Tolentino 02 00 IN THE BEGINNING the internet seemed good. “I was in love with the internet the first time I used it at my dad’s office and thought it was the ULTIMATE COOL,” I wrote, when I was ten, on an Angelfire subpage titled “The Story of How Jia Got Her Web Addiction.” In a text box superimposed on a hideous violet background, I continued:But 03 00 IN THE BEGINNING the internet seemed good. “I was in love with the internet the first time I used it at my dad’s office and thought it was the ULTIMATE COOL,” I wrote, when I was ten, on an Angelfire subpage titled “The Story of How Jia Got Her Web Addiction.” In a text box superimposed on a hideous violet background, I continued:But that was in third grade and all I was doing was going to Beanie Baby sites. Having an old, icky bicky computer at home, we didn’t have the Internet. Even AOL seemed like a far-off dream. Then we got a new top-o’-the-line computer in spring break ’99, and of course it came with all that demo stuff. So I finally had AOL and I was completely amazed at the marvel of having a profile and chatting and IMS!! 30 00 IN THE BEGINNING the internet seemed good. “I was in love with the internet the first time I used it at my dad’s office and thought it was the ULTIMATE COOL,” I wrote, when I was ten, on an Angelfire subpage titled “The Story of How Jia Got Her Web Addiction.” In a text box superimposed on a hideous violet background, I continued:But that was in third grade and all I was doing was going to Beanie Baby sites. Having an old, icky bicky computer at home, we didn’t have the Internet. Even AOL seemed like a far-off dream. Then we got a new top-o’-the-line computer in spring break ’99, and of course it came with all that demo stuff. So I finally had AOL and I was completely amazed at the marvel of having a profile and chatting and IMS!! 5 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.8ccffaec Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Self 1 A01 William James William James 02 00 The Me and the I.—Whatever I may be thinking of, I am always at the same time more or less aware of myself, of my personal existence. At the same time it is I who am aware; so that the total self of me, being as it were duplex, partly known and partly knower, partly object and partly subject, must have two aspects discriminated in it, of whic 03 00 The Me and the I.—Whatever I may be thinking of, I am always at the same time more or less aware of myself, of my personal existence. At the same time it is I who am aware; so that the total self of me, being as it were duplex, partly known and partly knower, partly object and partly subject, must have two aspects discriminated in it, of which for shortness we may call one the Me and the other the I. I call these “discriminated aspects,” and not separate things, because the identity of I with me, even in the very act of their discrimination, is perhaps the most ineradicable dictum of common-sense, and must not be undermined by our terminology here at the outset, whatever we may come to think of its validity at our inquiry’s end.I shall therefore treat successively of (A) the self as known, or the me, the ‘empirical ego’ as it is sometimes called; and of (B) the self as knower, or the I, the ‘pure ego’ of certain authors. 30 00 The Me and the I.—Whatever I may be thinking of, I am always at the same time more or less aware of myself, of my personal existence. At the same time it is I who am aware; so that the total self of me, being as it were duplex, partly known and partly knower, partly object and partly subject, must have two aspects discriminated in it, of which for shortness we may call one the Me and the other the I. I call these “discriminated aspects,” and not separate things, because the identity of I with me, even in the very act of their discrimination, is perhaps the most ineradicable dictum of common-sense, and must not be undermined by our terminology here at the outset, whatever we may come to think of its validity at our inquiry’s end.I shall therefore treat successively of (A) the self as known, or the me, the ‘empirical ego’ as it is sometimes called; and of (B) the self as knower, or the I, the ‘pure ego’ of certain authors. 20 00 Open Access 6 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.73d69f51 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Looking-Glass Self 1 A01 Charles Horton Cooley Charles Horton Cooley 02 00 THAT THE “I” of common speech has a meaning which includes some sort of reference to other persons is involved in the very fact that the word and the ideas it stands for are phenomena of language and the communicative life. It is doubtful whether it is possible to use language at all without thinking more or less distinctly of someone else, a 03 00 THAT THE “I” of common speech has a meaning which includes some sort of reference to other persons is involved in the very fact that the word and the ideas it stands for are phenomena of language and the communicative life. It is doubtful whether it is possible to use language at all without thinking more or less distinctly of someone else, and certainly the things to which we give names and which have a large place in reflective thought are almost always those which are impressed upon us by our contact with other people. Where there is no communication there can be no nomenclature and no developed thought. What we call “me,” “mine,” or “myself” is, then, not something separate from the general life, but the most interesting part of it, a part whose interest arises from the very fact that it is both general and individual. That is, we care for it just because it is that phase of the mind that is living and striving in the common life, trying to impress itself upon the minds of others. “I” is a militant social tendency, working to hold and enlarge its place in the general current of tendencies. So far as it can it waxes, as all life does. To think of it as apart from society is a palpable absurdity of which no one could be guilty who really saw it as a fact of life. 30 00 THAT THE “I” of common speech has a meaning which includes some sort of reference to other persons is involved in the very fact that the word and the ideas it stands for are phenomena of language and the communicative life. It is doubtful whether it is possible to use language at all without thinking more or less distinctly of someone else, and certainly the things to which we give names and which have a large place in reflective thought are almost always those which are impressed upon us by our contact with other people. Where there is no communication there can be no nomenclature and no developed thought. What we call “me,” “mine,” or “myself” is, then, not something separate from the general life, but the most interesting part of it, a part whose interest arises from the very fact that it is both general and individual. That is, we care for it just because it is that phase of the mind that is living and striving in the common life, trying to impress itself upon the minds of others. “I” is a militant social tendency, working to hold and enlarge its place in the general current of tendencies. So far as it can it waxes, as all life does. To think of it as apart from society is a palpable absurdity of which no one could be guilty who really saw it as a fact of life. 20 00 Open Access 7 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.297ffefc Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Genesis of the Self 1 A01 George Herbert Mead George Herbert Mead 02 00 THE SELF THAT is central to all so-called mental experience has appeared only in the social conduct of human vertebrates. It is just because the individual finds himself taking the attitudes of the others who are involved in his conduct that he becomes an object for himself. It is only by taking the rôles of others that we have been able to c 03 00 THE SELF THAT is central to all so-called mental experience has appeared only in the social conduct of human vertebrates. It is just because the individual finds himself taking the attitudes of the others who are involved in his conduct that he becomes an object for himself. It is only by taking the rôles of others that we have been able to come back to ourselves. […]It is interesting to note that in the development of the individual child, there are two stages which present the two essential steps in attaining self-consciousness. The first stage is that of play, and the second that of the game, where these two are distinguished from each other. In play in this sense, the child is continually acting as a parent, a teacher, a preacher, a grocery man, a policeman, a pirate, or an Indian. It is the period of childish existence which Wordsworth has described as that of “endless imitation.” It is the period of Froebel’s kindergarten plays. In it, as Froebel recognized, the child is acquiring the rôles of those who belong to his society. This takes place because the child is continually exciting in himself the responses to his own social acts. In his infant dependence upon the responses of others to his own social stimuli, he is peculiarly sensitive to this relation. Having in his own nature the beginning of the parental response, he calls it out by his own appeals. The doll is the universal type of this, but before he plays with a doll, he responds in tone of voice and in attitude as his parents respond to his own cries and chortles. [...] That is, one calls or tends to call out in himself the same response that he calls out in the other. 30 00 THE SELF THAT is central to all so-called mental experience has appeared only in the social conduct of human vertebrates. It is just because the individual finds himself taking the attitudes of the others who are involved in his conduct that he becomes an object for himself. It is only by taking the rôles of others that we have been able to come back to ourselves. […]It is interesting to note that in the development of the individual child, there are two stages which present the two essential steps in attaining self-consciousness. The first stage is that of play, and the second that of the game, where these two are distinguished from each other. In play in this sense, the child is continually acting as a parent, a teacher, a preacher, a grocery man, a policeman, a pirate, or an Indian. It is the period of childish existence which Wordsworth has described as that of “endless imitation.” It is the period of Froebel’s kindergarten plays. In it, as Froebel recognized, the child is acquiring the rôles of those who belong to his society. This takes place because the child is continually exciting in himself the responses to his own social acts. In his infant dependence upon the responses of others to his own social stimuli, he is peculiarly sensitive to this relation. Having in his own nature the beginning of the parental response, he calls it out by his own appeals. The doll is the universal type of this, but before he plays with a doll, he responds in tone of voice and in attitude as his parents respond to his own cries and chortles. [...] That is, one calls or tends to call out in himself the same response that he calls out in the other. 20 00 Open Access 8 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c4726ee9 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Searching for Oneself on YouTube 1 A01 21 0000000155228705 Claire Balleys Claire Balleys 40 007gfwn20 HES-SO Genève 2 A01 Florence Millerand Florence Millerand 40 02xrw9r68 Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières 3 A01 Christine Christine Thoër 40 02xrw9r68 Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières 4 A01 Nina Nina Duque 40 02xrw9r68 Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières 02 00 YouTube is the preferred online platform for today’s teenagers. As such, this article explores the relationship between socialization processes in adolescent peer culture and the meanings behind the production and reception of YouTube videos by teenage audiences. Two fields of enquiry comprise the data analyzed in this article. First, through 03 00 YouTube is the preferred online platform for today’s teenagers. As such, this article explores the relationship between socialization processes in adolescent peer culture and the meanings behind the production and reception of YouTube videos by teenage audiences. Two fields of enquiry comprise the data analyzed in this article. First, through content analysis, we studied the production of videos on YouTube by teenagers between the ages of 14 and 18. The discursive construction of an audience is expressed by YouTubers through intimate identity performances using specific, dialogical, and conversational modes. The second study investigated the reception of these videos by teenagers between the ages of 12 and 19 through the use of focus groups and in-depth interviews. The results explained the way young people develop a sense of closeness with YouTubers. When examined collectively, our studies reveal how teenage YouTube practices, both as production and reception of content, constitute a twofold social recognition process that incorporates a capacity to recognize oneself in others—like figures with whom one can identify with—and a need to be recognized by others as beings of value. The “intimate confessional production format,” as we have termed it, reinforces this bond. 30 00 YouTube is the preferred online platform for today’s teenagers. As such, this article explores the relationship between socialization processes in adolescent peer culture and the meanings behind the production and reception of YouTube videos by teenage audiences. Two fields of enquiry comprise the data analyzed in this article. First, through content analysis, we studied the production of videos on YouTube by teenagers between the ages of 14 and 18. The discursive construction of an audience is expressed by YouTubers through intimate identity performances using specific, dialogical, and conversational modes. The second study investigated the reception of these videos by teenagers between the ages of 12 and 19 through the use of focus groups and in-depth interviews. The results explained the way young people develop a sense of closeness with YouTubers. When examined collectively, our studies reveal how teenage YouTube practices, both as production and reception of content, constitute a twofold social recognition process that incorporates a capacity to recognize oneself in others—like figures with whom one can identify with—and a need to be recognized by others as beings of value. The “intimate confessional production format,” as we have termed it, reinforces this bond. 20 00 Open Access 9 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.e188d2d9 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Management of Information About Oneself 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 IN SOCIAL LIFE, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general thei 03 00 IN SOCIAL LIFE, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general their likely behavior, and prepare for it. With information of this kind, he can determine how best to shape his own behavior in order to call forth a desired action from others. (The exploitation of the indicated likely response of others to his own behavior is required, of course, whether the actor wishes to please or to displease the others.) With information of this kind, the actor can learn what is expected of him and “where he stands” with respect to the others, helping thus to determine for himself who and what he is. We find, then, a whole complex of ends, any one or more of which may motivate the actor to the same kind of activity, i.e., an effort to find out as much as possible about the persons with whom he interacts. 30 00 IN SOCIAL LIFE, an actor commonly finds that very basic ends, of both an ultimate and intermediate kind, are furthered by gathering information about those with whom he interacts, especially information about the conceptions that these persons have of themselves and of him. With information about others, the actor can predict in general their likely behavior, and prepare for it. With information of this kind, he can determine how best to shape his own behavior in order to call forth a desired action from others. (The exploitation of the indicated likely response of others to his own behavior is required, of course, whether the actor wishes to please or to displease the others.) With information of this kind, the actor can learn what is expected of him and “where he stands” with respect to the others, helping thus to determine for himself who and what he is. We find, then, a whole complex of ends, any one or more of which may motivate the actor to the same kind of activity, i.e., an effort to find out as much as possible about the persons with whom he interacts. 20 00 Open Access 10 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.afa803e8 Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal license (CC0 1.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ Chapter 01 01 Indelicate Communication 1 A01 Erving Goffman Erving Goffman 02 00 IT WAS SUGGESTED that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon th 03 00 IT WAS SUGGESTED that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon the persons who receive them, this appreciation being guided in turn by the indications that recipients make of the response a proposed line of action will evoke from them. Spontaneous expression of feelings is partly inhibited and appropriate feelings are, in part, conveyed. Accommodation, working acceptance, and tentative harmony are the usual result. If a working acceptance cannot be managed, embarrassment, ill-ease, and confusion are often the result. Withdrawal, conflict, or abrupt alteration in relationships may also occur. In all of these cases, however, the individual knows that he is communicating and knows to whom he is communicating. Although he may be unaware of all that he communicates, he is in a position to exert discretion over a part, at least, of what he conveys, and he is in a position to make use of what he can learn by examining closely the indicated response of recipients to him. If he is not able to exert prior calculation over all that he conveys, he is at least in a position to benefit from a similar incapacity on the part of those who respond to him. Thus, whether we examine cases of working acceptance, withdrawal, conflict, embarrassment, or shift to alternate bases of treatment, we find the general factors of awareness and partial control. 30 00 IT WAS SUGGESTED that the actor, as a participant in the game of concealment and search, exerts self-control over information about himself which he provides to others. Whether properly or improperly, whether he is or is not detected in his effort, the actor guides some of his communications by an appreciation of their likely effect upon the persons who receive them, this appreciation being guided in turn by the indications that recipients make of the response a proposed line of action will evoke from them. Spontaneous expression of feelings is partly inhibited and appropriate feelings are, in part, conveyed. Accommodation, working acceptance, and tentative harmony are the usual result. If a working acceptance cannot be managed, embarrassment, ill-ease, and confusion are often the result. Withdrawal, conflict, or abrupt alteration in relationships may also occur. In all of these cases, however, the individual knows that he is communicating and knows to whom he is communicating. Although he may be unaware of all that he communicates, he is in a position to exert discretion over a part, at least, of what he conveys, and he is in a position to make use of what he can learn by examining closely the indicated response of recipients to him. If he is not able to exert prior calculation over all that he conveys, he is at least in a position to benefit from a similar incapacity on the part of those who respond to him. Thus, whether we examine cases of working acceptance, withdrawal, conflict, embarrassment, or shift to alternate bases of treatment, we find the general factors of awareness and partial control. 20 00 Open Access 11 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.d8e1a45b Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Shape Shifting Across Social Media 1 A01 21 0000000198869043 Brittany I. Davidson Brittany I. Davidson 40 002h8g185 University of Bath 40 0524sp257 University of Bristol 2 A01 Adam N. Joinson Adam N. Joinson 40 002h8g185 University of Bath 02 00 Individuals change and adapt their behavior according to their social situation (e.g., transitioning from work to home). However, how does this shape shifting of self-presentations and identity translate into various online platforms? This exploratory study utilizes a novel and mixed methodological approach to better understand user behavior 03 00 Individuals change and adapt their behavior according to their social situation (e.g., transitioning from work to home). However, how does this shape shifting of self-presentations and identity translate into various online platforms? This exploratory study utilizes a novel and mixed methodological approach to better understand user behavior across social media platforms. We interviewed 22 participants and employed a repertory grid technique to reveal deeper similarities and differences in behavior across various online platforms. We found that users had a variety of strategies for managing multiple audiences across multiple platforms. Almost all participants actively separated their professional (e.g., LinkedIn) and social (e.g., Facebook or Instagram) oriented platforms typically by self-censorship of posts rather than utilizing audience management tools. Via the repertory grid technique, we revealed a number of more subtle nuances of how participants reflect on how and why they maintain a number of social media identities. 30 00 Individuals change and adapt their behavior according to their social situation (e.g., transitioning from work to home). However, how does this shape shifting of self-presentations and identity translate into various online platforms? This exploratory study utilizes a novel and mixed methodological approach to better understand user behavior across social media platforms. We interviewed 22 participants and employed a repertory grid technique to reveal deeper similarities and differences in behavior across various online platforms. We found that users had a variety of strategies for managing multiple audiences across multiple platforms. Almost all participants actively separated their professional (e.g., LinkedIn) and social (e.g., Facebook or Instagram) oriented platforms typically by self-censorship of posts rather than utilizing audience management tools. Via the repertory grid technique, we revealed a number of more subtle nuances of how participants reflect on how and why they maintain a number of social media identities. 20 00 Open Access 12 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.4209e602 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Who Would I Be Without Instagram? 1 A01 Tavi Gevinson Tavi Gevinson 02 00 MY SENIOR YEAR of high school, I had three Instagram accounts: a public one, a private one for friends and internet friends, and a private one that was just for me. By this point, I’d had an online audience for six years or so: first for the fashion blog I started when I was 11, and then for Rookie, the online magazine for teenage girls I’d s 03 00 MY SENIOR YEAR of high school, I had three Instagram accounts: a public one, a private one for friends and internet friends, and a private one that was just for me. By this point, I’d had an online audience for six years or so: first for the fashion blog I started when I was 11, and then for Rookie, the online magazine for teenage girls I’d started when I was 15 as an alternative to the getting-a-boyfriend-centric mainstream teen magazines that still existed in 2011.Posts on my public account were mostly dispatches from my in-person life, which still consisted primarily of going to school every day in Oak Park, Illinois, and editing Rookie when I got home. The private account for friends was more of a place to voice frustrations and petty thoughts. And the private account that was just for me was like if my public one was more shameless: thirstier selfies, pictures with famous people at their homes and dinner parties, souvenirs from the world of wealth and prestige that I’d occasionally been granted access to through my internet fame. These photos felt too obviously desperate and social climb–y for my other accounts, but I wanted to know how it would feel to enhance them with filters, to watch the little blue bar advance as they uploaded, to see these moments framed—or blessed, really—by Instagram’s interface.… 30 00 MY SENIOR YEAR of high school, I had three Instagram accounts: a public one, a private one for friends and internet friends, and a private one that was just for me. By this point, I’d had an online audience for six years or so: first for the fashion blog I started when I was 11, and then for Rookie, the online magazine for teenage girls I’d started when I was 15 as an alternative to the getting-a-boyfriend-centric mainstream teen magazines that still existed in 2011.Posts on my public account were mostly dispatches from my in-person life, which still consisted primarily of going to school every day in Oak Park, Illinois, and editing Rookie when I got home. The private account for friends was more of a place to voice frustrations and petty thoughts. And the private account that was just for me was like if my public one was more shameless: thirstier selfies, pictures with famous people at their homes and dinner parties, souvenirs from the world of wealth and prestige that I’d occasionally been granted access to through my internet fame. These photos felt too obviously desperate and social climb–y for my other accounts, but I wanted to know how it would feel to enhance them with filters, to watch the little blue bar advance as they uploaded, to see these moments framed—or blessed, really—by Instagram’s interface.… 20 00 Open Access 13 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.eebf510d Chapter 01 01 Sudden Amnesia Showed Me the Self Is a Convenient Fiction 1 A01 Steven Hales Steven Hales 40 007dga614 Bloomsburg University 02 00 WE WERE FLYING up a two-lane state road, passing everyone in sight. ‘Babe, why are you driving so fast?’ I asked. ‘What’s the emergency?’My wife looked back at me in panic, and said: ‘Something’s wrong with you, and we’re going to the hospital.’‘OK… why are we going to the hospital?’‘You’re not right. Here, you need to pu 03 00 WE WERE FLYING up a two-lane state road, passing everyone in sight. ‘Babe, why are you driving so fast?’ I asked. ‘What’s the emergency?’My wife looked back at me in panic, and said: ‘Something’s wrong with you, and we’re going to the hospital.’‘OK… why are we going to the hospital?’‘You’re not right. Here, you need to put on a mask.’‘Why do I need a mask?’‘The COVID-19 pandemic.’‘Where are we going?’She hit the gas even harder…. 30 00 WE WERE FLYING up a two-lane state road, passing everyone in sight. ‘Babe, why are you driving so fast?’ I asked. ‘What’s the emergency?’My wife looked back at me in panic, and said: ‘Something’s wrong with you, and we’re going to the hospital.’‘OK… why are we going to the hospital?’‘You’re not right. Here, you need to put on a mask.’‘Why do I need a mask?’‘The COVID-19 pandemic.’‘Where are we going?’She hit the gas even harder…. 14 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.eedac621 Chapter 01 01 I Am Not a Story 1 A01 Galen Strawson Galen Strawson 40 00hj54h04 The University of Texas at Austin 02 00 ‘EACH OF US constructs and lives a “narrative”,’ wrote the British neurologist Oliver Sacks, ‘this narrative is us’. Likewise the American cognitive psychologist Jerome Bruner: ‘Self is a perpetually rewritten story.’ And: ‘In the end, we become the autobiographical narratives by which we “tell about” our lives.’ Or a fellow American psycholo 03 00 ‘EACH OF US constructs and lives a “narrative”,’ wrote the British neurologist Oliver Sacks, ‘this narrative is us’. Likewise the American cognitive psychologist Jerome Bruner: ‘Self is a perpetually rewritten story.’ And: ‘In the end, we become the autobiographical narratives by which we “tell about” our lives.’ Or a fellow American psychologist, Dan P McAdams: ‘We are all storytellers, and we are the stories we tell.’ And here’s the American moral philosopher J David Velleman: ‘We invent ourselves… but we really are the characters we invent.’ And, for good measure, another American philosopher, Daniel Dennett: ‘we are all virtuoso novelists, who find ourselves engaged in all sorts of behaviour… and we always put the best “faces” on it we can. We try to make all of our material cohere into a single good story. And that story is our autobiography. The chief fictional character at the centre of that autobiography is one’s self.’ 30 00 ‘EACH OF US constructs and lives a “narrative”,’ wrote the British neurologist Oliver Sacks, ‘this narrative is us’. Likewise the American cognitive psychologist Jerome Bruner: ‘Self is a perpetually rewritten story.’ And: ‘In the end, we become the autobiographical narratives by which we “tell about” our lives.’ Or a fellow American psychologist, Dan P McAdams: ‘We are all storytellers, and we are the stories we tell.’ And here’s the American moral philosopher J David Velleman: ‘We invent ourselves… but we really are the characters we invent.’ And, for good measure, another American philosopher, Daniel Dennett: ‘we are all virtuoso novelists, who find ourselves engaged in all sorts of behaviour… and we always put the best “faces” on it we can. We try to make all of our material cohere into a single good story. And that story is our autobiography. The chief fictional character at the centre of that autobiography is one’s self.’ 15 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.b27e15cf Chapter 01 01 How Smartphone Cameras Changed the Way We Document Our Lives 1 A01 Jane C. Hu Jane C. Hu 02 00 AS THE DECADE comes to a close, social media is packed with nostalgic memes marking the end of the decade. On Twitter, people are humblebragging about their biggest personal accomplishments. (Mine is a tie between meeting a cat named Larry David and finally going to a Guy Fieri restaurant.) And predictably, on Instagram, people are posting si 03 00 AS THE DECADE comes to a close, social media is packed with nostalgic memes marking the end of the decade. On Twitter, people are humblebragging about their biggest personal accomplishments. (Mine is a tie between meeting a cat named Larry David and finally going to a Guy Fieri restaurant.) And predictably, on Instagram, people are posting side-by-side photos of their 2009 selves and their current selves.Search the Instagram hashtag #2009to2019 or #10yearchallenge and you’ll notice bangs are out and flannel is in. But there are two basic changes related to technology that are easy to miss. The first is unsurprising: Image quality has gotten much better. The second showcases how our photo taking style has changed. While most people’s 2009 photos are obviously taken by someone else—full-body shots from a distance, often containing little bits of forearm or cheek that reveal friends or family cropped out—most people’s current photos are mirror selfies where their smartphone is visible, or a flattering front-facing camera snap. Just as video killed the radio star, the smartphone has largely replaced the stand-alone camera.… 30 00 AS THE DECADE comes to a close, social media is packed with nostalgic memes marking the end of the decade. On Twitter, people are humblebragging about their biggest personal accomplishments. (Mine is a tie between meeting a cat named Larry David and finally going to a Guy Fieri restaurant.) And predictably, on Instagram, people are posting side-by-side photos of their 2009 selves and their current selves.Search the Instagram hashtag #2009to2019 or #10yearchallenge and you’ll notice bangs are out and flannel is in. But there are two basic changes related to technology that are easy to miss. The first is unsurprising: Image quality has gotten much better. The second showcases how our photo taking style has changed. While most people’s 2009 photos are obviously taken by someone else—full-body shots from a distance, often containing little bits of forearm or cheek that reveal friends or family cropped out—most people’s current photos are mirror selfies where their smartphone is visible, or a flattering front-facing camera snap. Just as video killed the radio star, the smartphone has largely replaced the stand-alone camera.… 16 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.d8f82ddb Chapter 01 01 I Called Off My Wedding. The Internet Will Never Forget 1 A01 Lauren Goode Lauren Goode 02 00 I STILL HAVE a photograph of the breakfast I made the morning I ended an eight-year relationship and canceled a wedding. It was an unremarkable breakfast—a fried egg—but it is now digitally fossilized in a floral dish we moved with us when we left New York and headed west. I don’t know why I took the photo, except, well, I do: I had fallen in 03 00 I STILL HAVE a photograph of the breakfast I made the morning I ended an eight-year relationship and canceled a wedding. It was an unremarkable breakfast—a fried egg—but it is now digitally fossilized in a floral dish we moved with us when we left New York and headed west. I don’t know why I took the photo, except, well, I do: I had fallen into the reflexive habit of taking photos of everything. Not long ago, the egg popped up as a “memory” in a photo app. The time stamp jolted my actual memory. It was May 2019 when we split up, back when people canceled weddings and called off relationships because of good old-fashioned dysfunction, not a global pandemic. Back when you wondered if seating two people next to each other at a wedding might result in awkward conversation, not hospitalization…. 30 00 I STILL HAVE a photograph of the breakfast I made the morning I ended an eight-year relationship and canceled a wedding. It was an unremarkable breakfast—a fried egg—but it is now digitally fossilized in a floral dish we moved with us when we left New York and headed west. I don’t know why I took the photo, except, well, I do: I had fallen into the reflexive habit of taking photos of everything. Not long ago, the egg popped up as a “memory” in a photo app. The time stamp jolted my actual memory. It was May 2019 when we split up, back when people canceled weddings and called off relationships because of good old-fashioned dysfunction, not a global pandemic. Back when you wondered if seating two people next to each other at a wedding might result in awkward conversation, not hospitalization…. 17 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5b89f36a Chapter 01 01 ‘Personality’ and the Making of Twentieth-Century Culture 1 A01 Warren I. Susman Warren I. Susman 02 00 ONE OF THE things that make the modern world “modern” is the development of consciousness of self. The European world that produced the Reformation, the new capitalist order, and the growing system of nation-states also gave us a new vocabulary that revealed a new vision of the self. “Consciousness” became a key word in the seventeenth centur 03 00 ONE OF THE things that make the modern world “modern” is the development of consciousness of self. The European world that produced the Reformation, the new capitalist order, and the growing system of nation-states also gave us a new vocabulary that revealed a new vision of the self. “Consciousness” became a key word in the seventeenth century; the new language of self announced what Owen Barfield has called “the shifting of the centre of gravity of consciousness from the cosmos around him into the personal human being himself.” The results of such a shift were significant. Impulses that control human behavior and destiny were felt to arise more and more within the individual at the very time that the laws governing the world were seen as more and more impersonal. Not only was it more difficult to feel spiritual life and activity immanent in the world outside the self; as the rituals of the external church grew feebler, the needs of inner self grew also stronger. 30 00 ONE OF THE things that make the modern world “modern” is the development of consciousness of self. The European world that produced the Reformation, the new capitalist order, and the growing system of nation-states also gave us a new vocabulary that revealed a new vision of the self. “Consciousness” became a key word in the seventeenth century; the new language of self announced what Owen Barfield has called “the shifting of the centre of gravity of consciousness from the cosmos around him into the personal human being himself.” The results of such a shift were significant. Impulses that control human behavior and destiny were felt to arise more and more within the individual at the very time that the laws governing the world were seen as more and more impersonal. Not only was it more difficult to feel spiritual life and activity immanent in the world outside the self; as the rituals of the external church grew feebler, the needs of inner self grew also stronger. 18 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.760db98a Chapter 01 01 The Age of Instagram Face 1 A01 Jia Tolentino Jia Tolentino 02 00 THIS PAST SUMMER, I booked a plane ticket to Los Angeles with the hope of investigating what seems likely to be one of the oddest legacies of our rapidly expiring decade: the gradual emergence, among professionally beautiful women, of a single, cyborgian face. It’s a young face, of course, with poreless skin and plump, high cheekbones. It has 03 00 THIS PAST SUMMER, I booked a plane ticket to Los Angeles with the hope of investigating what seems likely to be one of the oddest legacies of our rapidly expiring decade: the gradual emergence, among professionally beautiful women, of a single, cyborgian face. It’s a young face, of course, with poreless skin and plump, high cheekbones. It has catlike eyes and long, cartoonish lashes; it has a small, neat nose and full, lush lips. It looks at you coyly but blankly, as if its owner has taken half a Klonopin and is considering asking you for a private-jet ride to Coachella. The face is distinctly white but ambiguously ethnic—it suggests a National Geographic composite illustrating what Americans will look like in 2050, if every American of the future were to be a direct descendant of Kim Kardashian West, Bella Hadid, Emily Ratajkowski, and Kendall Jenner (who looks exactly like Emily Ratajkowski). “It’s like a sexy . . . baby . . . tiger,” Cara Craig, a high-end New York colorist, observed to me recently. The celebrity makeup artist Colby Smith told me, “It’s Instagram Face, duh. It’s like an unrealistic sculpture. Volume on volume. A face that looks like it’s made out of clay.” 30 00 THIS PAST SUMMER, I booked a plane ticket to Los Angeles with the hope of investigating what seems likely to be one of the oddest legacies of our rapidly expiring decade: the gradual emergence, among professionally beautiful women, of a single, cyborgian face. It’s a young face, of course, with poreless skin and plump, high cheekbones. It has catlike eyes and long, cartoonish lashes; it has a small, neat nose and full, lush lips. It looks at you coyly but blankly, as if its owner has taken half a Klonopin and is considering asking you for a private-jet ride to Coachella. The face is distinctly white but ambiguously ethnic—it suggests a National Geographic composite illustrating what Americans will look like in 2050, if every American of the future were to be a direct descendant of Kim Kardashian West, Bella Hadid, Emily Ratajkowski, and Kendall Jenner (who looks exactly like Emily Ratajkowski). “It’s like a sexy . . . baby . . . tiger,” Cara Craig, a high-end New York colorist, observed to me recently. The celebrity makeup artist Colby Smith told me, “It’s Instagram Face, duh. It’s like an unrealistic sculpture. Volume on volume. A face that looks like it’s made out of clay.” 19 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5a28f280 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 The Theory and History of Authenticity 1 A01 Charles Lindholm Charles Lindholm 40 05qwgg493 Boston University 02 00 WHAT ACTUAL CIRCUMSTANCES favored the rise of authenticity as a vital goal in today’s society? Lionel Trilling attempted to answer this question when he described the growth of authenticity out of the simpler and more modest virtue of sincerity, which itself arose in response to the momentous shift out of feudalism. According to Trilling, th 03 00 WHAT ACTUAL CIRCUMSTANCES favored the rise of authenticity as a vital goal in today’s society? Lionel Trilling attempted to answer this question when he described the growth of authenticity out of the simpler and more modest virtue of sincerity, which itself arose in response to the momentous shift out of feudalism. According to Trilling, the concept of sincerity first emerged as a precursor to authenticity in the 16th century as a result of the gradual breakup of the face-to-face relationships of traditional European society. As was the case in many other pre-modern traditional societies around the world, the highly personalized universe of Medieval Europe was held together by a taken-for-granted social order that provided its members with secure positions in a divinely sanctioned hierarchy. Local authorities served church and state, and were served in turn by their vassals. The family replicated this order, with the father exercising a sacralized authority. This stratified and sanctified worldview validated the daily lives of the faithful. For most of those living in this cosmically ordained system, there was little or no travel away from their locality, and little or no social mobility within it. Under these circumstances individuals were constrained by the obligations entailed in their predestined social roles. What mattered was not personal sincerity and purity of intent, but only whether persons were able to live up to their obligations to the neighbors and kinsmen they had known and who had known them all their lives. 30 00 WHAT ACTUAL CIRCUMSTANCES favored the rise of authenticity as a vital goal in today’s society? Lionel Trilling attempted to answer this question when he described the growth of authenticity out of the simpler and more modest virtue of sincerity, which itself arose in response to the momentous shift out of feudalism. According to Trilling, the concept of sincerity first emerged as a precursor to authenticity in the 16th century as a result of the gradual breakup of the face-to-face relationships of traditional European society. As was the case in many other pre-modern traditional societies around the world, the highly personalized universe of Medieval Europe was held together by a taken-for-granted social order that provided its members with secure positions in a divinely sanctioned hierarchy. Local authorities served church and state, and were served in turn by their vassals. The family replicated this order, with the father exercising a sacralized authority. This stratified and sanctified worldview validated the daily lives of the faithful. For most of those living in this cosmically ordained system, there was little or no travel away from their locality, and little or no social mobility within it. Under these circumstances individuals were constrained by the obligations entailed in their predestined social roles. What mattered was not personal sincerity and purity of intent, but only whether persons were able to live up to their obligations to the neighbors and kinsmen they had known and who had known them all their lives. 20 00 Open Access Charles Lindholm 20 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.faedf7a2 Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 The #nofilter Self: The Contest for Authenticity among Social Networking Sites, 2002–2016 1 A01 Meredith Salisbury Meredith Salisbury 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 2 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 This study traces appeals to authenticity, over time, in the promotional material of leading social-networking sites (SNSs). Using the Internet Archive’s Wayback Machine, the public-facing websites of major SNS platforms—beginning with Friendster in 2002—were sampled at six-month intervals, with promotional language and visuals examined for a 03 00 This study traces appeals to authenticity, over time, in the promotional material of leading social-networking sites (SNSs). Using the Internet Archive’s Wayback Machine, the public-facing websites of major SNS platforms—beginning with Friendster in 2002—were sampled at six-month intervals, with promotional language and visuals examined for authenticity claims. The authors tracked these appeals, with attention to changes in promotional copy, through to July 2016, among the most popular social media services (as determined by English-language web presence and active monthly user figures or, when unavailable, reported network size). The study found that nearly all SNSs invoked authenticity—directly or through language like “real life” and “genuine”—in their promotional materials. What stood out was the profoundly reactive nature of these claims, with new services often defining themselves, openly or implicitly, against legacy services’ inauthenticity. A recurring marketing strategy, in other words, has been to call out competitors’ phoniness by substituting (and touting) some other, differently grounded mode of authenticity. Since the affordances of social sites, even those touting evanescence or anonymity, make them vulnerable to similar charges, the cycle gets replayed with numbing regularity. 30 00 This study traces appeals to authenticity, over time, in the promotional material of leading social-networking sites (SNSs). Using the Internet Archive’s Wayback Machine, the public-facing websites of major SNS platforms—beginning with Friendster in 2002—were sampled at six-month intervals, with promotional language and visuals examined for authenticity claims. The authors tracked these appeals, with attention to changes in promotional copy, through to July 2016, among the most popular social media services (as determined by English-language web presence and active monthly user figures or, when unavailable, reported network size). The study found that nearly all SNSs invoked authenticity—directly or through language like “real life” and “genuine”—in their promotional materials. What stood out was the profoundly reactive nature of these claims, with new services often defining themselves, openly or implicitly, against legacy services’ inauthenticity. A recurring marketing strategy, in other words, has been to call out competitors’ phoniness by substituting (and touting) some other, differently grounded mode of authenticity. Since the affordances of social sites, even those touting evanescence or anonymity, make them vulnerable to similar charges, the cycle gets replayed with numbing regularity. 20 00 Open Access 21 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a3133b0f Chapter 01 01 Layers of Identity: How to Be “Real” When Everyone Is Watching 1 A01 Crystal Abidin Crystal Abidin 40 03t54am93 Jönköping University 02 00 WITH THE RISE of online influencers and their conscientiously maintained feeds full of images of luxury, the accessibility once promised by their predecessors, microcelebrities, has been eroded. For their followers, microcelebrities were a more visible version of the ordinary person, albeit being closer to fulfilling collective aspirations of 03 00 WITH THE RISE of online influencers and their conscientiously maintained feeds full of images of luxury, the accessibility once promised by their predecessors, microcelebrities, has been eroded. For their followers, microcelebrities were a more visible version of the ordinary person, albeit being closer to fulfilling collective aspirations of wealth and health. They were taken as role models, offering life-hacks and pro tips for attaining life goals, with their personal lifestyles serving as proof. This mainly played out through their endorsing particular products and services and sometimes amplifying some trends over others through their opinion editorials. But unlike the lives of celebrities in the mainstream entertainment industry who also dabble in endorsements, the lives of microcelebrities felt easier to emulate and to possibly attain. They had a knack for discussing prosperity and pimples, charms and chores in the same breath.Influencer culture began in the late 1990s and mid-2000s; in Southeast Asia it was on blog platforms such as OpenDiary, LiveJournal, Xanga, and Blogspot. In China it was on discussion boards. In the U.S., it was through home webcamming. Before the internet, marketing through the endorsements of “ordinary people” was a matter of scouts recruiting popular high school and university students to model specific wares on campus and promoting student parties and clubs. 30 00 WITH THE RISE of online influencers and their conscientiously maintained feeds full of images of luxury, the accessibility once promised by their predecessors, microcelebrities, has been eroded. For their followers, microcelebrities were a more visible version of the ordinary person, albeit being closer to fulfilling collective aspirations of wealth and health. They were taken as role models, offering life-hacks and pro tips for attaining life goals, with their personal lifestyles serving as proof. This mainly played out through their endorsing particular products and services and sometimes amplifying some trends over others through their opinion editorials. But unlike the lives of celebrities in the mainstream entertainment industry who also dabble in endorsements, the lives of microcelebrities felt easier to emulate and to possibly attain. They had a knack for discussing prosperity and pimples, charms and chores in the same breath.Influencer culture began in the late 1990s and mid-2000s; in Southeast Asia it was on blog platforms such as OpenDiary, LiveJournal, Xanga, and Blogspot. In China it was on discussion boards. In the U.S., it was through home webcamming. Before the internet, marketing through the endorsements of “ordinary people” was a matter of scouts recruiting popular high school and university students to model specific wares on campus and promoting student parties and clubs. 22 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.774a7e8b Chapter 01 01 When Your Authenticity Is an Act, Something’s Gone Wrong 1 A01 Joseph E. Davis Joseph E. Davis 40 0153tk833 University of Virginia 02 00 ‘TODAY THERE IS little premium placed on being authentic,’ writes the American philosopher Gordon Marino in his moving meditation The Existentialist’s Survival Guide: How to Live Authentically in an Inauthentic Age (2018). In our world of ‘selfies, social media branding, and managing your profile on LinkedIn and Facebook … [i]t is not who you 03 00 ‘TODAY THERE IS little premium placed on being authentic,’ writes the American philosopher Gordon Marino in his moving meditation The Existentialist’s Survival Guide: How to Live Authentically in an Inauthentic Age (2018). In our world of ‘selfies, social media branding, and managing your profile on LinkedIn and Facebook … [i]t is not who you are but who you seem to be!’ In interviews for my own sociological book on everyday suffering and our troubled quest for self-mastery, I too found little premium placed on ‘being authentic’. And yet, organisational consultants inform us, in the pages of the Harvard Business Review, that ‘the term “authenticity” has become a buzzword among organisational leaders’. In fact, authenticity is ‘now ubiquitous in business, on personal blogs and even in style magazines’, according to another writer. ‘Everyone wants to be authentic.’ 30 00 ‘TODAY THERE IS little premium placed on being authentic,’ writes the American philosopher Gordon Marino in his moving meditation The Existentialist’s Survival Guide: How to Live Authentically in an Inauthentic Age (2018). In our world of ‘selfies, social media branding, and managing your profile on LinkedIn and Facebook … [i]t is not who you are but who you seem to be!’ In interviews for my own sociological book on everyday suffering and our troubled quest for self-mastery, I too found little premium placed on ‘being authentic’. And yet, organisational consultants inform us, in the pages of the Harvard Business Review, that ‘the term “authenticity” has become a buzzword among organisational leaders’. In fact, authenticity is ‘now ubiquitous in business, on personal blogs and even in style magazines’, according to another writer. ‘Everyone wants to be authentic.’ 23 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.5de66de2 Chapter 01 01 TikTok Face 1 A01 Cat Zhang Cat Zhang 02 00 THE MOST “LIKED” TikTok in 2020 was not some astonishing clip of a goose twerking, girl Renegading, or group of strangers harmonizing the shit out of a sea shanty. It was a deceptively simple recording of a young woman bobbing her head, bouncing between animated expressions as if trying to hypnotize a baby. “It’s M to the B, it’s M to the B,” 03 00 THE MOST “LIKED” TikTok in 2020 was not some astonishing clip of a goose twerking, girl Renegading, or group of strangers harmonizing the shit out of a sea shanty. It was a deceptively simple recording of a young woman bobbing her head, bouncing between animated expressions as if trying to hypnotize a baby. “It’s M to the B, it’s M to the B,” she lip-syncs, mouthing the words to a 2016 British diss track. Her cutesy gestures are amplified by TikTok’s “Face Zoom” lens, which keeps the camera locked tightly on her expression at all times. At one moment, she smirks peacefully, her eyes relaxed; a few seconds later, she looks moony and cross-eyed, her smile skewed quirkily to the side. In the eyes of her many critics, she is doing nothing—and yet, the “M to the B” TikTok has over 45 million likes, a number greater than the entire population of California.The young woman is 23-year-old Filipina influencer Bella Poarch, a former U.S. Navy veteran whose emphatically “adorable” facial choreography has made her TikTok’s fourth most-followed personality. Her videos’ chief draw is that they’re “oddly satisfying”—an epithet commonly reserved for ASMR soap-cutting videos, or images of perfectly smooth scoops of peanut butter. These are seemingly ordinary things that nonetheless generate intense visual pleasure; they gratify basic desires for symmetry, repetition and flow. Like ASMR content, Poarch’s smooth head-bobbing and elastic gestures lull you into a state of calm. Nothing distracts you from her expressions: Her skin is spotless, her make-up neutral, her background wholly nondescript. Her TikToks are almost too seamless; strangers marvel that she looks “like a Pixar character” in the comments. 30 00 THE MOST “LIKED” TikTok in 2020 was not some astonishing clip of a goose twerking, girl Renegading, or group of strangers harmonizing the shit out of a sea shanty. It was a deceptively simple recording of a young woman bobbing her head, bouncing between animated expressions as if trying to hypnotize a baby. “It’s M to the B, it’s M to the B,” she lip-syncs, mouthing the words to a 2016 British diss track. Her cutesy gestures are amplified by TikTok’s “Face Zoom” lens, which keeps the camera locked tightly on her expression at all times. At one moment, she smirks peacefully, her eyes relaxed; a few seconds later, she looks moony and cross-eyed, her smile skewed quirkily to the side. In the eyes of her many critics, she is doing nothing—and yet, the “M to the B” TikTok has over 45 million likes, a number greater than the entire population of California.The young woman is 23-year-old Filipina influencer Bella Poarch, a former U.S. Navy veteran whose emphatically “adorable” facial choreography has made her TikTok’s fourth most-followed personality. Her videos’ chief draw is that they’re “oddly satisfying”—an epithet commonly reserved for ASMR soap-cutting videos, or images of perfectly smooth scoops of peanut butter. These are seemingly ordinary things that nonetheless generate intense visual pleasure; they gratify basic desires for symmetry, repetition and flow. Like ASMR content, Poarch’s smooth head-bobbing and elastic gestures lull you into a state of calm. Nothing distracts you from her expressions: Her skin is spotless, her make-up neutral, her background wholly nondescript. Her TikToks are almost too seamless; strangers marvel that she looks “like a Pixar character” in the comments. 24 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.87215e85 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 “Do I Look Like My Selfie?”: Filters and the Digital-Forensic Gaze 1 A01 21 0000000303356419 Christine Lavrence Christine Lavrence 40 02grkyz14 Western University 2 A01 Carolina Cambre Carolina Cambre 40 0420zvk78 Concordia University 02 00 Filtered faces are some of the most heavily engaged photos on social media. The vast majority of literature on selfies have focused on self-reported practices of creating and posting selfies and how subjects view themselves, but research on using filters and the kinds of looking filter provoke is underexplored. Part of a larger project, this 03 00 Filtered faces are some of the most heavily engaged photos on social media. The vast majority of literature on selfies have focused on self-reported practices of creating and posting selfies and how subjects view themselves, but research on using filters and the kinds of looking filter provoke is underexplored. Part of a larger project, this analysis draws from a study using photo-elicitation techniques to discuss selfie filters with 12 focus groups, exploring the dominant discourses of cis-gendered looking within digital sociality. We explore how participants edit their selfies, imagine potential audiences, interact with, and perceive the filtering behaviors of others, asking what the “work” of filters is, visually and socially. We probe the kinds of discourses filters participate in, and their gendered and affective dimensions. Our focus groups indicate that when looking at the selfies of others there is often an a priori assumption that filtering has been applied, whether conspicuously or not, to the extent that visual tune-ups have become central to the genre itself. As such, we explore the ambivalence and anxiety about authenticity that filters produce, as well as the intense looking practices aimed at decoding the legitimacy of images. We posit that filters are part of a digital ecosystem that demands an intensification of looking practices, which produce and enhance specific forms of objectification directed toward selves and others within digital environments. 30 00 Filtered faces are some of the most heavily engaged photos on social media. The vast majority of literature on selfies have focused on self-reported practices of creating and posting selfies and how subjects view themselves, but research on using filters and the kinds of looking filter provoke is underexplored. Part of a larger project, this analysis draws from a study using photo-elicitation techniques to discuss selfie filters with 12 focus groups, exploring the dominant discourses of cis-gendered looking within digital sociality. We explore how participants edit their selfies, imagine potential audiences, interact with, and perceive the filtering behaviors of others, asking what the “work” of filters is, visually and socially. We probe the kinds of discourses filters participate in, and their gendered and affective dimensions. Our focus groups indicate that when looking at the selfies of others there is often an a priori assumption that filtering has been applied, whether conspicuously or not, to the extent that visual tune-ups have become central to the genre itself. As such, we explore the ambivalence and anxiety about authenticity that filters produce, as well as the intense looking practices aimed at decoding the legitimacy of images. We posit that filters are part of a digital ecosystem that demands an intensification of looking practices, which produce and enhance specific forms of objectification directed toward selves and others within digital environments. 20 00 Open Access 25 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.3f03db0e Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Gendered Visibility on Social Media: Navigating Instagram’s Authenticity Bind 1 A01 21 0000000163148027 Brooke Erin Duffy Brooke Erin Duffy 40 05bnh6r87 Cornell University 2 A01 Emily Hund Emily Hund 40 00b30xv10 University of Pennsylvania 02 00 Although the digital economy’s guiding logics of attention and visibility rouse social media users to put themselves out there, individuals experience digital visibility in profoundly uneven ways. For women, in particular, the public nature of online communication is fraught with risk, opening the potential for ridicule, hate, and harassment. 03 00 Although the digital economy’s guiding logics of attention and visibility rouse social media users to put themselves out there, individuals experience digital visibility in profoundly uneven ways. For women, in particular, the public nature of online communication is fraught with risk, opening the potential for ridicule, hate, and harassment. This research explores the vexed nature of visibility among Instagram content creators, a community that is especially beholden to this so-called “visibility mandate.” Drawing on in-depth interviews with 25 aspiring and professional Instagrammers, we show how they attempt to stave off potential critique in patterned ways. In their efforts to project themselves as authentic, many sought to deflect accusations of being too real, and, alternatively, as being not real enough. We argue that this uniquely gendered form of a socially mediated “authenticity bind” indexes the wider policing of women and other marginalized communities in digitally networked spaces, wherein they must carefully toe the line between visibility and vulnerability. 30 00 Although the digital economy’s guiding logics of attention and visibility rouse social media users to put themselves out there, individuals experience digital visibility in profoundly uneven ways. For women, in particular, the public nature of online communication is fraught with risk, opening the potential for ridicule, hate, and harassment. This research explores the vexed nature of visibility among Instagram content creators, a community that is especially beholden to this so-called “visibility mandate.” Drawing on in-depth interviews with 25 aspiring and professional Instagrammers, we show how they attempt to stave off potential critique in patterned ways. In their efforts to project themselves as authentic, many sought to deflect accusations of being too real, and, alternatively, as being not real enough. We argue that this uniquely gendered form of a socially mediated “authenticity bind” indexes the wider policing of women and other marginalized communities in digitally networked spaces, wherein they must carefully toe the line between visibility and vulnerability. 20 00 Open Access 26 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.68604abd Chapter 01 01 The Promise—and Risk—of a Career in TikTok 1 A01 Lauren Kaori Gurley Lauren Kaori Gurley 02 00 KEONDRA IS 20 years old, lives in St. Paul, Minnesota, and until the coronavirus pandemic hit, worked as a cashier at the Midwestern hardware chain Menards. She also has more than 770,000 followers on TikTok as @Keondra.K.In the fall of 2018, after graduating from high school, Keondra downloaded TikTok on her iPhone and started filming 03 00 KEONDRA IS 20 years old, lives in St. Paul, Minnesota, and until the coronavirus pandemic hit, worked as a cashier at the Midwestern hardware chain Menards. She also has more than 770,000 followers on TikTok as @Keondra.K.In the fall of 2018, after graduating from high school, Keondra downloaded TikTok on her iPhone and started filming short videos of herself dancing, lip-syncing, and cosplaying alone in her bedroom, which is covered in posters, one of the Japanese woodblock print The Wave and others of the K-pop band BTS. 30 00 KEONDRA IS 20 years old, lives in St. Paul, Minnesota, and until the coronavirus pandemic hit, worked as a cashier at the Midwestern hardware chain Menards. She also has more than 770,000 followers on TikTok as @Keondra.K.In the fall of 2018, after graduating from high school, Keondra downloaded TikTok on her iPhone and started filming short videos of herself dancing, lip-syncing, and cosplaying alone in her bedroom, which is covered in posters, one of the Japanese woodblock print The Wave and others of the K-pop band BTS. 27 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a52b2134 Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Idols of Promotion: The Triumph of Self-Branding in an Age of Precarity 1 A01 21 0000000163148027 Brooke Erin Duffy Brooke Erin Duffy 40 05bnh6r87 Cornell University 2 A01 21 0000000236741930 Jefferson Pooley Jefferson Pooley 40 03cqsth74 Muhlenberg College 06 Own website https://jeffpooley.com 02 00 By analyzing the “mass idols” (Lowenthal, 1944) of contemporary media culture, this study contributes to our understanding of popular communication, branding, and social media self-presentation. Leo Lowenthal, in his well-known analysis of popular magazine biographies, identified a marked shift in mass-mediated exemplars of success: from self 03 00 By analyzing the “mass idols” (Lowenthal, 1944) of contemporary media culture, this study contributes to our understanding of popular communication, branding, and social media self-presentation. Leo Lowenthal, in his well-known analysis of popular magazine biographies, identified a marked shift in mass-mediated exemplars of success: from self-made industrialists and politicians (“Idols of Production”) to screen stars and athletes (“Idols of Consumption”). Adapting his approach, we draw upon a qualitative analysis of magazine biographies (People and Time, n=127) and social media bios (Instagram and Twitter, n=200), supplemented by an inventory of television talk show guests (n=462). Today’s idols, we show, blend Lowenthal’s predecessor types: They hail from the sphere of consumption, but get described—and describe themselves—in production terms. We term these new figures “Idols of Promotion” and contend that their stories of self-made success—the celebrations of promotional pluck—are parables for making it in a precarious employment economy. 30 00 By analyzing the “mass idols” (Lowenthal, 1944) of contemporary media culture, this study contributes to our understanding of popular communication, branding, and social media self-presentation. Leo Lowenthal, in his well-known analysis of popular magazine biographies, identified a marked shift in mass-mediated exemplars of success: from self-made industrialists and politicians (“Idols of Production”) to screen stars and athletes (“Idols of Consumption”). Adapting his approach, we draw upon a qualitative analysis of magazine biographies (People and Time, n=127) and social media bios (Instagram and Twitter, n=200), supplemented by an inventory of television talk show guests (n=462). Today’s idols, we show, blend Lowenthal’s predecessor types: They hail from the sphere of consumption, but get described—and describe themselves—in production terms. We term these new figures “Idols of Promotion” and contend that their stories of self-made success—the celebrations of promotional pluck—are parables for making it in a precarious employment economy. 20 00 Open Access 28 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.6e843c25 Chapter 01 01 Understanding Facebook’s Algorithm Could Change How You See Yourself 1 A01 Alexis Papazoglou Alexis Papazoglou 02 00 WHEN WE GO online these days, we know we’re not alone: The internet is looking back at us. Our clicks give us the information and products we ask for, but at the same time they provide information about us. Algorithms then make use of that data to curate our search results, our social media feeds, and the advertisements we see. The internet a 03 00 WHEN WE GO online these days, we know we’re not alone: The internet is looking back at us. Our clicks give us the information and products we ask for, but at the same time they provide information about us. Algorithms then make use of that data to curate our search results, our social media feeds, and the advertisements we see. The internet ascribes an identity to its users, and projects it back to us.The research behind the political campaigns run by Cambridge Analytica in 2016 suggested that a few Facebook likes are enough for an algorithm to identify our gender, personality traits, sexual orientation, religious and political beliefs. “Computer-based personality judgments,” two psychologists and a computer scientist claimed in a research paper in 2015, can “be more accurate than those made by humans.” The algorithms can end up knowing us better than our spouses do. If that’s true—not all researchers think it is—what does that mean for our own understanding of who we are? … 30 00 WHEN WE GO online these days, we know we’re not alone: The internet is looking back at us. Our clicks give us the information and products we ask for, but at the same time they provide information about us. Algorithms then make use of that data to curate our search results, our social media feeds, and the advertisements we see. The internet ascribes an identity to its users, and projects it back to us.The research behind the political campaigns run by Cambridge Analytica in 2016 suggested that a few Facebook likes are enough for an algorithm to identify our gender, personality traits, sexual orientation, religious and political beliefs. “Computer-based personality judgments,” two psychologists and a computer scientist claimed in a research paper in 2015, can “be more accurate than those made by humans.” The algorithms can end up knowing us better than our spouses do. If that’s true—not all researchers think it is—what does that mean for our own understanding of who we are? … 29 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.dd612737 Chapter 01 01 Existence Precedes Likes: How Online Behaviour Defines Us 1 A01 Francisco Mejia Uribe Francisco Mejia Uribe 02 00 ONE OF THE hallmarks of existentialism is its particular emphasis on the concept of ‘anguish’, understood as the feeling we experience when we grasp our radical responsibility in defining who we are – individually and as a species. If human beings have no predetermined essence written in the heavens, as existentialists argue, and we can be pi 03 00 ONE OF THE hallmarks of existentialism is its particular emphasis on the concept of ‘anguish’, understood as the feeling we experience when we grasp our radical responsibility in defining who we are – individually and as a species. If human beings have no predetermined essence written in the heavens, as existentialists argue, and we can be pinned down only as something based on our actual existence, then our actions – for which we are responsible – are the only measures of what it is to be a human being.The French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre summarised this idea with the statement that for humans ‘existence precedes essence’. But the corollary of his existentialist take on our being is the tormenting realisation that we are nothing outside of what we make of ourselves; or, in other words, that we are absolutely responsible for our existence. In fact, it is not only our individuality that we are responsible for when we choose; in his lecture Existentialism Is a Humanism (1946) at least, Sartre claims that we also commit the rest of humanity when engaging in a particular way of being. He argues that, since every single one of our actions creates an image of humanity as we think we ought to be, we should then always ask ourselves: ‘What would happen if everyone did as one is doing?’ When we truly confront this question, we become aware of the extent of our responsibility towards humankind, leading to an unavoidable feeling of anguish – a kind of dizziness prompted by the realisation of our enormous duty. 30 00 ONE OF THE hallmarks of existentialism is its particular emphasis on the concept of ‘anguish’, understood as the feeling we experience when we grasp our radical responsibility in defining who we are – individually and as a species. If human beings have no predetermined essence written in the heavens, as existentialists argue, and we can be pinned down only as something based on our actual existence, then our actions – for which we are responsible – are the only measures of what it is to be a human being.The French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre summarised this idea with the statement that for humans ‘existence precedes essence’. But the corollary of his existentialist take on our being is the tormenting realisation that we are nothing outside of what we make of ourselves; or, in other words, that we are absolutely responsible for our existence. In fact, it is not only our individuality that we are responsible for when we choose; in his lecture Existentialism Is a Humanism (1946) at least, Sartre claims that we also commit the rest of humanity when engaging in a particular way of being. He argues that, since every single one of our actions creates an image of humanity as we think we ought to be, we should then always ask ourselves: ‘What would happen if everyone did as one is doing?’ When we truly confront this question, we become aware of the extent of our responsibility towards humankind, leading to an unavoidable feeling of anguish – a kind of dizziness prompted by the realisation of our enormous duty. 30 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.213b33b7 Chapter 01 01 Personal Panopticons 1 A01 L. M. Sacasas L. M. Sacasas 02 00 EVERY NOW AND then, due to some egregious blunder or blatant overreach on the part of government agencies or tech companies, concerns about surveillance and technology break out beyond the confines of academic specialists and into the public consciousness: the Snowden leaks about the NSA in 2013, the Facebook emotional manipulation study in 2 03 00 EVERY NOW AND then, due to some egregious blunder or blatant overreach on the part of government agencies or tech companies, concerns about surveillance and technology break out beyond the confines of academic specialists and into the public consciousness: the Snowden leaks about the NSA in 2013, the Facebook emotional manipulation study in 2014, the Cambridge Analytica scandal in the wake of the 2016 election. These moments seem to elicit a vague anxiety that ultimately dissipates as quickly as it materialized. Concerns about the NSA are now rarely heard, and while Facebook has experienced notable turbulence, it is not at all clear that meaningful regulation will follow or that a significant number of users will abandon the platform. Indeed, the chief effect of these fleeting moments of surveillance anxiety may be a gradual inoculation to them. In my experience, most people are not only untroubled by journalistic critiques of exploitative surveillance practices; they may even be prepared to defend them: There are trade-offs, yes, but privacy appears to be a reasonable price to pay for convenience or security.This attitude is not new. In the late 1960s, researcher Alan Weston divided the population into three groups according to their attitudes toward privacy: fundamentalists, who are generally reluctant to share personal information; the unconcerned, who are untroubled and unreflective about privacy; and pragmatists, who report some concern about privacy but are also willing to weigh the benefits they might receive in exchange for disclosing personal information. He found then that the majority of Americans were privacy pragmatists, and subsequent studies have tended to confirm those findings. When Westin updated his research in 2000, he concluded that privacy pragmatists amounted to 55 percent of the population, while 25 percent were fundamentalists and 20 percent were unconcerned. 30 00 EVERY NOW AND then, due to some egregious blunder or blatant overreach on the part of government agencies or tech companies, concerns about surveillance and technology break out beyond the confines of academic specialists and into the public consciousness: the Snowden leaks about the NSA in 2013, the Facebook emotional manipulation study in 2014, the Cambridge Analytica scandal in the wake of the 2016 election. These moments seem to elicit a vague anxiety that ultimately dissipates as quickly as it materialized. Concerns about the NSA are now rarely heard, and while Facebook has experienced notable turbulence, it is not at all clear that meaningful regulation will follow or that a significant number of users will abandon the platform. Indeed, the chief effect of these fleeting moments of surveillance anxiety may be a gradual inoculation to them. In my experience, most people are not only untroubled by journalistic critiques of exploitative surveillance practices; they may even be prepared to defend them: There are trade-offs, yes, but privacy appears to be a reasonable price to pay for convenience or security.This attitude is not new. In the late 1960s, researcher Alan Weston divided the population into three groups according to their attitudes toward privacy: fundamentalists, who are generally reluctant to share personal information; the unconcerned, who are untroubled and unreflective about privacy; and pragmatists, who report some concern about privacy but are also willing to weigh the benefits they might receive in exchange for disclosing personal information. He found then that the majority of Americans were privacy pragmatists, and subsequent studies have tended to confirm those findings. When Westin updated his research in 2000, he concluded that privacy pragmatists amounted to 55 percent of the population, while 25 percent were fundamentalists and 20 percent were unconcerned. 31 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.23170ae3 Chapter 01 01 Mirror of Your Mind 1 A01 Isabel Munson Isabel Munson 02 00 GAZING INTO TIKTOK’S For You Page—an algorithmically curated, personalized feed that shows videos the platform thinks you will like, learning over time what kind of content will increase your engagement—can be like looking into a hall of mirrors. It’s hard to know if its at times uncanny accuracy stems from superior analytics and data harvest 03 00 GAZING INTO TIKTOK’S For You Page—an algorithmically curated, personalized feed that shows videos the platform thinks you will like, learning over time what kind of content will increase your engagement—can be like looking into a hall of mirrors. It’s hard to know if its at times uncanny accuracy stems from superior analytics and data harvesting (which are widely mythologized and which companies are often incentivized to oversell) or from the fact that most users can be guided to generally predictable categories. On TikTok, comments like “so we’re really all living the same life huh?” are not uncommon. There may also be an availability bias to those occasions when the algorithm guesses really, really right: We remember those, while forgetting the videos that didn’t click.Sometimes the For You Page algorithm is extremely literal, clumsy, and obvious in its techniques: Watch a video of a girl who happens to be a hijabi; be presented with three more hijabis the next day. Despite this, the algorithm can begin to seem to know users better than they know themselves. Its occasional clumsiness and errors in taste may lower users’ defenses, creating a randomness that may offset the creepiness of being accurately pigeonholed. 30 00 GAZING INTO TIKTOK’S For You Page—an algorithmically curated, personalized feed that shows videos the platform thinks you will like, learning over time what kind of content will increase your engagement—can be like looking into a hall of mirrors. It’s hard to know if its at times uncanny accuracy stems from superior analytics and data harvesting (which are widely mythologized and which companies are often incentivized to oversell) or from the fact that most users can be guided to generally predictable categories. On TikTok, comments like “so we’re really all living the same life huh?” are not uncommon. There may also be an availability bias to those occasions when the algorithm guesses really, really right: We remember those, while forgetting the videos that didn’t click.Sometimes the For You Page algorithm is extremely literal, clumsy, and obvious in its techniques: Watch a video of a girl who happens to be a hijabi; be presented with three more hijabis the next day. Despite this, the algorithm can begin to seem to know users better than they know themselves. Its occasional clumsiness and errors in taste may lower users’ defenses, creating a randomness that may offset the creepiness of being accurately pigeonholed. 32 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.d4c8ee48 Chapter 01 01 Beauty Filters Are Changing the Way Young Girls See Themselves 1 A01 Tate Ryan-Mosley Tate Ryan-Mosley 02 00 VERONICA STARTED USING filters to edit pictures of herself on social media when she was 14 years old. She remembers everyone in her middle school being excited by the technology when it became available, and they had fun playing with it. “It was kind of a joke,” she says. “People weren’t trying to look good when they used the filters.” 03 00 VERONICA STARTED USING filters to edit pictures of herself on social media when she was 14 years old. She remembers everyone in her middle school being excited by the technology when it became available, and they had fun playing with it. “It was kind of a joke,” she says. “People weren’t trying to look good when they used the filters.”But her younger sister, Sophia, who was a fifth grader at the time, disagrees. “I definitely was—me and my friends definitely were,” she says. “Twelve-year-old girls having access to something that makes you not look like you’re 12? Like, that’s the coolest thing ever. You feel so pretty.” 30 00 VERONICA STARTED USING filters to edit pictures of herself on social media when she was 14 years old. She remembers everyone in her middle school being excited by the technology when it became available, and they had fun playing with it. “It was kind of a joke,” she says. “People weren’t trying to look good when they used the filters.”But her younger sister, Sophia, who was a fifth grader at the time, disagrees. “I definitely was—me and my friends definitely were,” she says. “Twelve-year-old girls having access to something that makes you not look like you’re 12? Like, that’s the coolest thing ever. You feel so pretty.” 33 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.40f2341b Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Mediated Superficiality and Misogyny Through Cool on Tinder 1 A01 21 0000000256985561 Jin Lee Jin Lee 40 049kefs16 Southern Illinois University Carbondale 02 00 Signaled in its reputation as a “hookup app” or “sex app,” the mobile dating app Tinder has been accused of having ignited “hookup culture” associated with superficiality and sexual innuendo. However, little is known about how Tinder has obtained this notoriety and what Tinder is actually responsible for. This study analyzes talks about Tinde 03 00 Signaled in its reputation as a “hookup app” or “sex app,” the mobile dating app Tinder has been accused of having ignited “hookup culture” associated with superficiality and sexual innuendo. However, little is known about how Tinder has obtained this notoriety and what Tinder is actually responsible for. This study analyzes talks about Tinder on Reddit (/r/Tinder), as part of Tinder culture where Tinder discourse and norms are established and shared in relation to broader youth pairing culture. Through a lens of feminist media scholarship, I show that an association between Tinder and hookups is couched in a gendered code of conduct, coolness. I argue that this gendered coolness in the economy of visibility of Tinder evokes and justifies misogyny online in line with the sexism inherent to hookup culture. 30 00 Signaled in its reputation as a “hookup app” or “sex app,” the mobile dating app Tinder has been accused of having ignited “hookup culture” associated with superficiality and sexual innuendo. However, little is known about how Tinder has obtained this notoriety and what Tinder is actually responsible for. This study analyzes talks about Tinder on Reddit (/r/Tinder), as part of Tinder culture where Tinder discourse and norms are established and shared in relation to broader youth pairing culture. Through a lens of feminist media scholarship, I show that an association between Tinder and hookups is couched in a gendered code of conduct, coolness. I argue that this gendered coolness in the economy of visibility of Tinder evokes and justifies misogyny online in line with the sexism inherent to hookup culture. 20 00 Open Access 34 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.30dbf3b9 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 “Oh, She’s a Tumblr Feminist”: Exploring the Platform Vernacular of Girls’ Social Media Feminisms 1 A01 Jessalyn Keller Jessalyn Keller 40 03yjb2x39 University of Calgary 02 00 As avid social media users, it is perhaps unsurprising that feminist teenage girls use their favorite platforms to engage in various forms of feminist activism. Yet, existing research has not explored how a growing number of social media platforms and their technological affordances uniquely shape how girls engage in online activism. I addres 03 00 As avid social media users, it is perhaps unsurprising that feminist teenage girls use their favorite platforms to engage in various forms of feminist activism. Yet, existing research has not explored how a growing number of social media platforms and their technological affordances uniquely shape how girls engage in online activism. I address this oversight by asking the following: Why are girls using particular platforms for feminist activism? How do certain platforms facilitate distinctive opportunities for youth engagement with feminist politics? and How might this shape the types of feminist issues and politics both made possible and foreclosed by some social media platforms? To answer these questions, I draw on ethnographic data gathered from a group of American, Canadian, and British teenage girls involved in various forms of online feminist activism on Twitter, Facebook, and Tumblr. These data were collected as part of two UK-based team research projects. Using the concept of “platform vernacular,” I analyze how these girls do feminism across these different platforms, based on discursive textual analysis of their social media postings and interview reflections. I argue that teenage girls strategically choose how to engage with feminist politics online, carefully weighing issues like privacy, community, and peer support as determining factors in which platform they choose to engage. These decisions are often related to distinctive platform vernaculars, in which the girls have a keen understanding. Nonetheless, these strategic choices shape the kinds of feminisms we see across various social media platforms, a result that necessitates some attention and critical reflection from social media scholars. 30 00 As avid social media users, it is perhaps unsurprising that feminist teenage girls use their favorite platforms to engage in various forms of feminist activism. Yet, existing research has not explored how a growing number of social media platforms and their technological affordances uniquely shape how girls engage in online activism. I address this oversight by asking the following: Why are girls using particular platforms for feminist activism? How do certain platforms facilitate distinctive opportunities for youth engagement with feminist politics? and How might this shape the types of feminist issues and politics both made possible and foreclosed by some social media platforms? To answer these questions, I draw on ethnographic data gathered from a group of American, Canadian, and British teenage girls involved in various forms of online feminist activism on Twitter, Facebook, and Tumblr. These data were collected as part of two UK-based team research projects. Using the concept of “platform vernacular,” I analyze how these girls do feminism across these different platforms, based on discursive textual analysis of their social media postings and interview reflections. I argue that teenage girls strategically choose how to engage with feminist politics online, carefully weighing issues like privacy, community, and peer support as determining factors in which platform they choose to engage. These decisions are often related to distinctive platform vernaculars, in which the girls have a keen understanding. Nonetheless, these strategic choices shape the kinds of feminisms we see across various social media platforms, a result that necessitates some attention and critical reflection from social media scholars. 20 00 Open Access 35 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a06df9b7 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 Performing a Vanilla Self: Respectability Politics, Social Class, and the Digital World 1 A01 Mikaela Pitcan Mikaela Pitcan 2 A01 Alice E. Marwick Alice E. Marwick 40 04dse4f93 Data & Society Research Institute 40 0130frc33 University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 3 A01 danah boyd danah boyd 40 04dse4f93 Data & Society Research Institute 02 00 JORGE IS A 25-year old Puerto Rican New Yorker who lives in the NYCHA public housing projects. Smart and motivated, he has a sophisticated understanding of how other people judge him online: They [privileged people] kind of dictate what’s good to say because we’re trying to appeal to them. Because they’re the ones who have the jobs, an 03 00 JORGE IS A 25-year old Puerto Rican New Yorker who lives in the NYCHA public housing projects. Smart and motivated, he has a sophisticated understanding of how other people judge him online: They [privileged people] kind of dictate what’s good to say because we’re trying to appeal to them. Because they’re the ones who have the jobs, and they’re the ones who have the money to give us jobs, so we don’t want to say anything that would … make us seem lesser in their eyes. I mean in a lot of ways we don’t really care, but we have to pretend that we do. And that’s kind of what I think Facebook is, it’s the performance of, “No look, I’m viable for this, I’m viable for that. I’m vanilla enough so everyone enjoys me.”To Jorge, social status and class limit his ability to express himself online. To seem acceptable to the economically privileged, he and his friends must perform staid, conservative selves online: what he calls “vanilla.” Otherwise, their educational and economic opportunities may be limited…. 30 00 JORGE IS A 25-year old Puerto Rican New Yorker who lives in the NYCHA public housing projects. Smart and motivated, he has a sophisticated understanding of how other people judge him online: They [privileged people] kind of dictate what’s good to say because we’re trying to appeal to them. Because they’re the ones who have the jobs, and they’re the ones who have the money to give us jobs, so we don’t want to say anything that would … make us seem lesser in their eyes. I mean in a lot of ways we don’t really care, but we have to pretend that we do. And that’s kind of what I think Facebook is, it’s the performance of, “No look, I’m viable for this, I’m viable for that. I’m vanilla enough so everyone enjoys me.”To Jorge, social status and class limit his ability to express himself online. To seem acceptable to the economically privileged, he and his friends must perform staid, conservative selves online: what he calls “vanilla.” Otherwise, their educational and economic opportunities may be limited…. 20 00 Open Access 36 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.16df1b21 Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International license (CC BY-NC 4.0). 02 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Chapter 01 01 “Good Social Media?”: Underrepresented Youth Perspectives on the Ethical and Equitable Design of Social Media Platforms 1 A01 21 0000000186225419 Melissa Brough Melissa Brough 40 005f5hv41 California State University Northridge 2 A01 Ioana Literat Iona Literat 40 00hj8s172 Columbia University 3 A01 Amanda Ikin Amanda Ikin 40 005f5hv41 California State University Northridge 02 00 This study investigates underrepresented youths’ perspectives on social media design and how these may inform the development of more ethical and equitable social media apps. In contrast to the tradition of universal design in the field of human–computer interaction, this study centers difference to investigate how users’ perspectives and exp 03 00 This study investigates underrepresented youths’ perspectives on social media design and how these may inform the development of more ethical and equitable social media apps. In contrast to the tradition of universal design in the field of human–computer interaction, this study centers difference to investigate how users’ perspectives and expectations, shaped by their identities, help determine the affordances of social media and their ethical implications. Twenty-five in-depth interviews and youth-guided “think aloud” social media tours were carried out with a diverse range of young people from underrepresented groups. Findings illustrate how young people perceive and experience empowering and disempowering aspects of social media design. Interviewees expressed a palpable sense of underrepresentation in the digital technology design sector and noted several ways in which design elements of social media can exacerbate a sense of inadequacy. The negative implications of user profile design and popularity rating systems that encourage conformity were found to be of particular concern for low-income youth, youth of color, and other underrepresented groups. However, our findings also illuminate youth perspectives on how social media can sometimes serve as a tool to counter negative stereotypes and build social capital. The analysis includes concrete suggestions from underrepresented youth for more ethical and equitable social media design. 30 00 This study investigates underrepresented youths’ perspectives on social media design and how these may inform the development of more ethical and equitable social media apps. In contrast to the tradition of universal design in the field of human–computer interaction, this study centers difference to investigate how users’ perspectives and expectations, shaped by their identities, help determine the affordances of social media and their ethical implications. Twenty-five in-depth interviews and youth-guided “think aloud” social media tours were carried out with a diverse range of young people from underrepresented groups. Findings illustrate how young people perceive and experience empowering and disempowering aspects of social media design. Interviewees expressed a palpable sense of underrepresentation in the digital technology design sector and noted several ways in which design elements of social media can exacerbate a sense of inadequacy. The negative implications of user profile design and popularity rating systems that encourage conformity were found to be of particular concern for low-income youth, youth of color, and other underrepresented groups. However, our findings also illuminate youth perspectives on how social media can sometimes serve as a tool to counter negative stereotypes and build social capital. The analysis includes concrete suggestions from underrepresented youth for more ethical and equitable social media design. 20 00 Open Access 37 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.7b438ada Chapter 01 01 Attention Is Not a Resource but a Way of Being Alive to the World 1 A01 Dan Nixon Dan Nixon 02 00 ‘WE ARE DROWNING in information, while starving for wisdom.’ Those were the words of the American biologist E O Wilson at the turn of the century. Fastforward to the smartphone era, and it’s easy to believe that our mental lives are now more fragmentary and scattered than ever. The ‘attention economy’ is a phrase that’s often used to make sen 03 00 ‘WE ARE DROWNING in information, while starving for wisdom.’ Those were the words of the American biologist E O Wilson at the turn of the century. Fastforward to the smartphone era, and it’s easy to believe that our mental lives are now more fragmentary and scattered than ever. The ‘attention economy’ is a phrase that’s often used to make sense of what’s going on: it puts our attention as a limited resource at the centre of the informational ecosystem, with our various alerts and notifications locked in a constant battle to capture it.That’s a helpful narrative in a world of information overload, and one in which our devices and apps are intentionally designed to get us hooked. Moreover, besides our own mental wellbeing, the attention economy offers a way of looking at some important social problems: from the worrying declines in measures of empathy through to the ‘weaponisation’ of social media. 30 00 ‘WE ARE DROWNING in information, while starving for wisdom.’ Those were the words of the American biologist E O Wilson at the turn of the century. Fastforward to the smartphone era, and it’s easy to believe that our mental lives are now more fragmentary and scattered than ever. The ‘attention economy’ is a phrase that’s often used to make sense of what’s going on: it puts our attention as a limited resource at the centre of the informational ecosystem, with our various alerts and notifications locked in a constant battle to capture it.That’s a helpful narrative in a world of information overload, and one in which our devices and apps are intentionally designed to get us hooked. Moreover, besides our own mental wellbeing, the attention economy offers a way of looking at some important social problems: from the worrying declines in measures of empathy through to the ‘weaponisation’ of social media. 38 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.a3506d5b Chapter 01 01 Are We Already Living in Virtual Reality? 1 A01 Joshua Rothman Joshua Rothman 02 00 THOMAS METZINGER HAD his first out-of-body experience when he was nineteen. He was on a ten-week meditation retreat in the Westerwald, a mountainous area near his home, in Frankfurt. After a long day of yoga and meditation, he had a slice of cake and fell asleep. Then he awoke, feeling an itch on his back. He tried to scratch it, but couldn’t 03 00 THOMAS METZINGER HAD his first out-of-body experience when he was nineteen. He was on a ten-week meditation retreat in the Westerwald, a mountainous area near his home, in Frankfurt. After a long day of yoga and meditation, he had a slice of cake and fell asleep. Then he awoke, feeling an itch on his back. He tried to scratch it, but couldn’t—his arm seemed paralyzed. He tried to force the arm to move, and, somehow, this shifted him up and out of his body, so that he seemed to be floating above himself. Gazing out into the room, he was both amazed and afraid. He heard someone else breathing and, in a panic, looked around for an intruder. Only much later did he realize that the breathing had been his.At the time, in the early nineteen-eighties, Metzinger was a philosophy student researching the mind-body problem at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität. During the postwar years, Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer had made the university’s Institute for Social Research—the Frankfurt School—a center of neo-Marxist thought, and the campus remained a politically radical place. In Britain and America, philosophers, computer scientists, psychologists, and neuroscientists were working together to reconceive the mind as a purely physical system created by the brain. In Metzinger’s department, such theories were denounced as anti-human and “proto-fascist.” Metzinger considered himself a radical—he had waist-length hair, and was proud to have been teargassed while protesting the U.S. military—but also a rationalist. Immersing himself in the work of the Anglophone philosophers, he’d eventually become convinced that his soul was made by his brain. He was, therefore, doubly shocked by his out-of-body experience, which had seemed irrevocably real. Could materialism be wrong? Could consciousness exist immaterially, outside of the body? He admonished himself: “How arrogant I have been!”… 30 00 THOMAS METZINGER HAD his first out-of-body experience when he was nineteen. He was on a ten-week meditation retreat in the Westerwald, a mountainous area near his home, in Frankfurt. After a long day of yoga and meditation, he had a slice of cake and fell asleep. Then he awoke, feeling an itch on his back. He tried to scratch it, but couldn’t—his arm seemed paralyzed. He tried to force the arm to move, and, somehow, this shifted him up and out of his body, so that he seemed to be floating above himself. Gazing out into the room, he was both amazed and afraid. He heard someone else breathing and, in a panic, looked around for an intruder. Only much later did he realize that the breathing had been his.At the time, in the early nineteen-eighties, Metzinger was a philosophy student researching the mind-body problem at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität. During the postwar years, Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer had made the university’s Institute for Social Research—the Frankfurt School—a center of neo-Marxist thought, and the campus remained a politically radical place. In Britain and America, philosophers, computer scientists, psychologists, and neuroscientists were working together to reconceive the mind as a purely physical system created by the brain. In Metzinger’s department, such theories were denounced as anti-human and “proto-fascist.” Metzinger considered himself a radical—he had waist-length hair, and was proud to have been teargassed while protesting the U.S. military—but also a rationalist. Immersing himself in the work of the Anglophone philosophers, he’d eventually become convinced that his soul was made by his brain. He was, therefore, doubly shocked by his out-of-body experience, which had seemed irrevocably real. Could materialism be wrong? Could consciousness exist immaterially, outside of the body? He admonished himself: “How arrogant I have been!”… 39 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.c0097cd0 Chapter 01 01 How Much Can We Afford to Forget, if We Train Machines to Remember? 1 A01 Gene Tracy Gene Tracy 40 03hsf0573 William & Mary 02 00 WHEN I WAS a student, in the distant past when most computers were still huge mainframes, I had a friend whose PhD advisor insisted that he carry out a long and difficult atomic theory calculation by hand. This led to page after page of pencil scratches, full of mistakes, so my friend finally gave in to his frustration. He snuck into the comp 03 00 WHEN I WAS a student, in the distant past when most computers were still huge mainframes, I had a friend whose PhD advisor insisted that he carry out a long and difficult atomic theory calculation by hand. This led to page after page of pencil scratches, full of mistakes, so my friend finally gave in to his frustration. He snuck into the computer lab one night and wrote a short code to perform the calculation. Then he laboriously copied the output by hand, and gave it to his professor. Perfect, his advisor said—this shows you are a real physicist. The professor was never any the wiser about what had happened. While I’ve lost touch with my friend, I know many others who’ve gone on to forge successful careers in science without mastering the pencil-and-paper heroics of past generations. 30 00 WHEN I WAS a student, in the distant past when most computers were still huge mainframes, I had a friend whose PhD advisor insisted that he carry out a long and difficult atomic theory calculation by hand. This led to page after page of pencil scratches, full of mistakes, so my friend finally gave in to his frustration. He snuck into the computer lab one night and wrote a short code to perform the calculation. Then he laboriously copied the output by hand, and gave it to his professor. Perfect, his advisor said—this shows you are a real physicist. The professor was never any the wiser about what had happened. While I’ve lost touch with my friend, I know many others who’ve gone on to forge successful careers in science without mastering the pencil-and-paper heroics of past generations. 40 03 06 10.32376/3f8575cb.ec8fb7b1 Chapter 01 01 Eat Me, Drink Me, Like Me 1 A01 Tara Isabella Burton Tara Isabella Burton 02 00 IN FEBRUARY OF 2017, Shane Patrick Boyle told us all a story. Shane, the affable founder of Zine Fest Houston, tweeted a link to his one hundred thirty-six followers, sharing with them a GoFundMe campaign to cover his medical costs. Shane, a Type 1 diabetic, had recently returned from Texas to Arkansas to care for his mother. In so doing, he’ 03 00 IN FEBRUARY OF 2017, Shane Patrick Boyle told us all a story. Shane, the affable founder of Zine Fest Houston, tweeted a link to his one hundred thirty-six followers, sharing with them a GoFundMe campaign to cover his medical costs. Shane, a Type 1 diabetic, had recently returned from Texas to Arkansas to care for his mother. In so doing, he’d given up an arrangement he’d made with a local clinic to get regular, affordable insulin. So he asked the public for money: $750, to be exact.Shane’s tweet got minimal engagement. It wasn’t enthrallingly written—just a poorly formatted link to the GoFundMe page, along with the relatively anodyne explanation: “I’m raising money for Insulin for Next Month. Click to Donate.” 30 00 IN FEBRUARY OF 2017, Shane Patrick Boyle told us all a story. Shane, the affable founder of Zine Fest Houston, tweeted a link to his one hundred thirty-six followers, sharing with them a GoFundMe campaign to cover his medical costs. Shane, a Type 1 diabetic, had recently returned from Texas to Arkansas to care for his mother. In so doing, he’d given up an arrangement he’d made with a local clinic to get regular, affordable insulin. So he asked the public for money: $750, to be exact.Shane’s tweet got minimal engagement. It wasn’t enthrallingly written—just a poorly formatted link to the GoFundMe page, along with the relatively anodyne explanation: “I’m raising money for Insulin for Next Month. Click to Donate.” 01 URL https://www.mediastudies.press/ mediastudies.press 01 mediastudies.press 01 Publisher's website: home page https://www.mediastudies.press/ 02 Publisher's website: webpage for this title https://mediastudies.press/sms Bethlehem, PA 04 01 20210715 multiple 02 WORLD WORLD 11 Unknown 36 Unspecified hosting platform: webpage for this product https://mediastudies.press/sms 29 Unspecified hosting platform: download the title https://www.mediastudies.press/sms 20 08 20210715 01